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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

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October, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 11
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this [L. S.] 1st day of January. in the year of our Lord 1863, and of the independence of the United States the 87th. By the President: Abraham Lincoln. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. On the abstract question of the right of the Government to proclaim and enforce Emancipation, Edward Everett, in a speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston, October, 1864, forcibly said: It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the United States was necessary to liberate tie slaves in a State which is in rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion that, by tile simple act of levying war against the United States, tile relation of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from interfering with it. Not being founded on the law of nature, and resting solely on p
nes adjacent; stating that they were held as property by Col. Mallory, of the Confederate forces in his front, who was about to send them to the North Carolina seaboard, to work on the Rebel fortifications there in progress, intended to bar that coast against our arms. Gen. Butler heard their story, was satisfied of its truth, and said: These men are contraband of war: In this matter, he [Gen. Butler] has struck this Southern Insurrection in a place which is as vulnerable as the heel of Achilles; and we dare say that, in receiving and seizing the slaves of Rebels as contraband of war, this Southern Confederacy will be substantially suppressed with the pacification of Virginia.--N. Y. Herald, May 31, 1861. set them at work. He was, very soon afterward, invited to a conference by Maj. Carey, commanding opposite; and accordingly met the Major (in whom he recognized an old political compatriot) a mile from the fort. Maj. Carey, as agent of his absent friend Mallory, demanded a return
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 11
War — Emancipation. Patrick Henry on Federal power over Slavery Edmund Randolph John Quincy Adams Joshua R. Giddings Mr. Lincoln Gov. Seward Gen. Butler Gen. Frement Gen. T. W. Shermountrymen. If it were totally abolished, it would do much good. In 1836, May 25. Mr. John Quincy Adams, having been required to vote Yea or Nay, in the House, on a proposition reported by Mr.would be equivalent to saying that Congress has no constitutional authority to make peace. Mr. Adams proceeded to show that Texas was then [prior to her annexation] the arena of a war concerning pective annexation of Texas, and a consequent war with Mexico, first loomed above the horizon, Mr. Adams returned to the subject; and, with reference to certain anti-Slavery resolves recently offeredTo brigade and regimental commanders of this division: Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dunnington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey, and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have negroes supposed to be with some of
Samuel Adams (search for this): chapter 11
at the General Convention would have utterly and instantly prohibited the Foreign Slave-Trade, but for the proclaimed fact that this would insure the rejection of their handiwork by the still slave-hungry States of South Carolina and Georgia, if not of North Carolina also; though Virginia was among the most earnest advocates of the prohibition. Hence, when the State Conventions were assembled to ratify or reject it, with such eminent Revolutionary patriots as Patrick Henry, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, George Clinton, and Luther Martin, leading in the opposition, the clauses affecting Slavery were vigilantly, and not unsuccessfully, scrutinized for grounds of attack — the provision concerning the African Slave-Trade being assailed in some States from the side of Slavery, in others from that of anti-Slavery, with vigor and effect. In the North, these assaults were parried by pointing to the power conferred on Congress to abolish the traffic after twenty years, as so much clear gain: to
D. R. Anthony (search for this): chapter 11
Gen. Frement Gen. T. W. Sherman Gen. Wool Gen. Dix Gen. Halleck Gen. Cameron his report revised by President Lincoln Seward to McClellan Gen. Burnside Gen. Buell Gen. Hooker Gen. Sickles Gen. McCook Gen. Doubleday Gen. Williams Col. Anthony Gen. Hanter overruled by the President Gen. McClellan on the negro Horace Greeley to Lincoln the response do, to the Chicago Clergymen Lincoln's first Proclamation of Freedom the Elections of 1862 second Proclamation of Freedom Edwarto the XXXIXth Congress (House) as a Unionist, from the Milwaukee District. 4th Wisconsin, declining to obey this order, as a violation of law for the purpose of returning fugitives to Rebels, was arrested and deprived of his command. Lt.-Col. D. R. Anthony, 7th Kansas, was likewise arrested and deprived of his command in Tennessee, for issuing June 18, 1862. an order, which said: The impudence and impertinence of the open and earned Rebels, traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-right
Edward Bates (search for this): chapter 11
thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. It has been alleged that the appearance of this document was hast-ened by confidential representations from our Embassadors at the Courts of Western Europe, that a recognition of the Confederacy was imminent, and could hardly be averted otherwise than by a policy of Emancipation. The then Attorney-General Edward Bates, of Missouri. has been quoted as authority for this statement; but it is still generally regarded as apocryphal. It has been likewise asserted that the President had fully decided on resorting to this policy some weeks before the Proclamation appeared, and that he only withheld it till the military situation should assume a brighter aspect. Remarks made long afterward in Congress render highly probable the assumption that its appearance was somewhat delayed, awaiting the issue of the st
Francis Blair (search for this): chapter 11
er no. 3, which sets forth that It has been represented that important information, respecting the number and condition of our forces, is conveyed to the enemy by means of fugitive slaves who are admitted within our lines. In order to remedy this evil, it is directed that no such persons be hereafter permitted to enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march ; and that any now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom. Gen. Halleck afterward, in a letter to F. P. Blair, explained and justified this order, as follows: Order No. 3 was, in my mind, clearly a military necessity. Unauthorized persons, Black or White, free or slave, must be kept out of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the enemy every thing we do or intend to do. It was a military, and not a political order. I am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to fugitive slaves which my superiors may give me, and to enforce any law which Congress may pass. But I ca
R. G. Blake (search for this): chapter 11
y within the commands of Gens. Halleck and Buell, slave-hunters fared much better; as one of their number about this time admiringly reported to a Nashville journal, as follows: He visited the camp of Gen. McCook, in Maury county, in quest of a fugitive; and that officer, instead of throwing obstacles in the way, afforded him every facility for the successful prosecution of his search. That General treated him in the most courteous and gentlemanly manner; as also did Gen. Johnson and Capt. Blake, the brigade Provost-Marshal. Their conduct toward him was in all respects that of high-toned gentlemen, desirous of discharging their duties promptly and honorably. It is impossible for the army to prevent slaves from following them; but, whenever the fugitives come into the lines of Gen. McCook, they are secured, and a record made of their names and the names of their owners. All the owner has to do is to apply, either in person or through an agent, examine the record, or look at the
I ask, is one of those laws? It is this: that when a country is invaded, and two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory. Nor is this a mere theoretic statement. The history of South America shows that the doctrine has been carried into practical execution within the last thirty years. Slavery was abolished in: Colombia, first by the Spanish General Murillo; and, secondly, by the American General Bolivar. It was abolished by virtue of a military command, given at the head of the army; and its abolition continues to be law to this day. It was abolished by the laws of war, and not by municipal enactments. The power was exercised by military commanders, under instructions, of course, from their respective Governments. And here I recur again to the example of Gen. Jackson. What are you now about in Congress? You are about passing a grant to refund to Gen. Jackson the amount of a cert
D. C. Buell (search for this): chapter 11
ool Gen. Dix Gen. Halleck Gen. Cameron his report revised by President Lincoln Seward to McClellan Gen. Burnside Gen. Buell Gen. Hooker Gen. Sickles Gen. McCook Gen. Doubleday Gen. Williams Col. Anthony Gen. Hanter overruled by the Prey established, your institutions of any kind whatever, your property of any sort, or your usages in any respect. Maj.-Gen. Buell, soon after establishing himself at Nashville, Tenn., thus demonstrated his undoubted devotion to the constitutionalitives, if such were there, were not there captured. In the West, especially within the commands of Gens. Halleck and Buell, slave-hunters fared much better; as one of their number about this time admiringly reported to a Nashville journal, as f fugitives had given important information, or rendered other service to the cause of the Union. In the same spirit, Gen. Buell's Provost-Marshal, Dent, at Louisville, Ky., issued an order to his (mounted) provost-guard to flog all Blacks, free or
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