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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

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June 18th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
is order, as a violation of law for the purpose of returning fugitives to Rebels, was arrested and deprived of his command. Lt.-Col. D. R. Anthony, 7th Kansas, was likewise arrested and deprived of his command in Tennessee, for issuing June 18, 1862. an order, which said: The impudence and impertinence of the open and earned Rebels, traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-rights men of this section of the State of Tennessee, in arrogantly demanding the right to search our camp for fugi. Any officer or soldier of this command, who shall arrest and deliver to his master a fugitive slave, shall be summarily and severely punished, according to the laws relative to such crimes. Maj.-Gen. David Hunter, having succeeded June 18, 1862. to command at Hilton Head, issued the following: headquarters Department of the South, Hilton head, S. C., May 9, 1862. General Order, No. 11. The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising the Military Departm
ways by which Congress not only have the authority, but are bound, to interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States. The existing law prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States from foreign countries is itself an interference with the institution of Slavery in the States. It was so considered by the founders of the Constitution of the United States, in which it was stipulated that Congress should not interfere, in that way, with the institution, prior to the year 1808. During the war with Great Britain, the military and naval commanders of that nation issued proclamations inviting the slaves to repair to their standard, with promises of freedom and of settlement in some of the British colonial establishments. This, surely, was an interference with the institution of Slavery in the States. By the treaty of peace, Great Britain stipulated to evacuate all the forts and places in the United States, without carrying away any slaves. If the Government of t
February 23rd, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
sks of dissimulation, falsehood, and treachery, are presumed to be far overbalanced by the chance of thus obtaining valuable information and aid. That the Whites of Missouri were far more likely than the Blacks to be traitors at heart, and infinitely more apt to steal away to the Rebels with important information, was as palpable as noonday; yet Gen. Halleck's No. 3 repelled Blacks only. Gen. Halleck's order No. 13 sheds no further light on this subject; but. in a subsequent order, Feb. 23, 1862. he says: It does not belong to the military to decide upon the relation of master and slave. Such questions must be settled by the civil courts. No fugitive slaves will, therefore, be admitted within our lines or camps, except when specially ordered by the General commanding. Never was a therefore more misplaced. How were the persons presenting themselves adjudged to be or known as fugitive slaves ? Plainly, by the color of their skins, and that only. The sole end of this re
June 28th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
itude. The inhabitants of Virginia are using their negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send their women and children south. The escapes from them are very numerous; and a squad has come in this morning, These fugitive slaves, at this rate, will soon prove more powerful in suffocating this Southern White insurrection than all the armies of Gen. Scott. This man Butler, in this thing, has proved himself the greatest lawyer we have between a prior of epaulets.--N. Y. Herald, June 28, 1861. and my pickets are bringing in their women and children. Of course, these can not be dealt with upon the theory on which I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account in my last dispatch. I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of property. Up to this time, I have had come within my lines men and women, with their children — entire families — each family belonging to the same ow
October, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 11
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this [L. S.] 1st day of January. in the year of our Lord 1863, and of the independence of the United States the 87th. By the President: Abraham Lincoln. William H. Seward, Secretary of State. On the abstract question of the right of the Government to proclaim and enforce Emancipation, Edward Everett, in a speech in Faneuil Hall, Boston, October, 1864, forcibly said: It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the United States was necessary to liberate tie slaves in a State which is in rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion that, by tile simple act of levying war against the United States, tile relation of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from interfering with it. Not being founded on the law of nature, and resting solely on p
ave been anywhere controverted. In closing the argument in favor of ratifying the Federal Constitution, Mr. Zachariah Johnson said: They tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the Revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come around. Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally abolished, it would do much good. In 1836, May 25. Mr. John Quincy Adams, having been required to vote Yea or Nay, in the House, on a proposition reported by Mr. H. L. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in these words-- Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional power to interfere in any way with the institution of Slavery in any of the States of this confederacy-- voted Nay, in company with but eight others; and, obtaining the floor in Committee soon afterward, on a proposition that rations be distributed from the public st
y are altogether incompatible. The persons in these States--Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina--heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free. This order was rescinded or annulled by President Lincoln, in a Proclamation May 19. which recites it and proceeds: And, whereas, the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, proclaim and declare that the Government of the United States had no kgh privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it! In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Done at the city of Washington this 19th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1862, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. (Signed) Abraham Lincoln. By the President: W. H. Seward, Secretary of State. Contrary to a very general impression, Gen. McClellan was a
September 11th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
, is declared to be confiscated to the public uso; and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men. This position was in advance of any that had yet been sanctioned at Washington; and, though it was very generally sustained or acquiesced in by that journals supporting the War, President Lincoln wrote Gen. Fremont that he must withdraw or modify it. This, Gen. F. declined to do, unless openly directed by his superior; hence the following order: Washington, D. C., Sept. 11, 1861. Maj.-Gen. John C. Fremont:: Sir:--Yours of the 8th, in answer to nine of the 2d inst., is just received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Co
February 18th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
; and their arrest as fugitives from service or labor should be immediately followed by the military arrest of the parties making the seizure. Copies of this communication will be sent to the Major of the City of Washington and to the Marshal of the District of Columbia, that any collision between the civil and military authorities may be avoided. I am, General, your very obedient, William H. Seward. Maj.-Gen. Burnside, having established himself on Roanoke Island, issued, Feb. 18, 1862. conjointly with Com. Golds-borough, a Proclamation, in which he said: The Government asks only that its authority may be recognized; and we repeat, in no manner or way does it desire to interfere with your laws, constitutionally established, your institutions of any kind whatever, your property of any sort, or your usages in any respect. Maj.-Gen. Buell, soon after establishing himself at Nashville, Tenn., thus demonstrated his undoubted devotion to the constitutional guaranties
August 30th (search for this): chapter 11
ls supporting the War, President Lincoln wrote Gen. Fremont that he must withdraw or modify it. This, Gen. F. declined to do, unless openly directed by his superior; hence the following order: Washington, D. C., Sept. 11, 1861. Maj.-Gen. John C. Fremont:: Sir:--Yours of the 8th, in answer to nine of the 2d inst., is just received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification;
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