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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

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September 13th (search for this): chapter 11
e Blacks could oppose to these but their empty (and shackled) hands. What good, then, could be secured by an Abolition policy? It is a Pope's bull against the comet, suggested the President. It will unite the South and divide the North, fiercely clamored the entire Opposition. So the President — habitually cautious, dilatory, reticent — hesitated, and demurred, and resisted — possibly after he had silently resolved that the step must finally be taken. Mr. Lincoln was soon visited, Sept. 13. among others, by a deputation from the various Protestant denominations of Chicago, Illinois, charged with the duty of urging on him the adoption of a more decided and vigorous policy of Emancipation. He listened to the reading of their memorial, and responded in substance as follows: The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance: the other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but<
December 4th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
els, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. The Representatives of the people will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the country. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. The abuse of negroes who had escaped from Rebel masters in Virginia and taken shelter within the lines of the Army of the Potomac, elicited the following: Department of State, Washington, Dec. 4, 1861. To Maj.-Gen. Geo. B. Mcclellan: General: I am directed by the President to call your attention to the following subject: Persons claimed to be held to service or labor under the laws of the State of Virginia, and actually employed in hosthe service against the Government of the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the enemy's forces, and are received within the lines of the Army of the Potomac. This Department understands that such persons, afterward coming into th
May 22nd, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
g all that has been said by the traitors to induce you to believe that our advent among you will be signalized by interference with your slaves, understand one thing clearly — not only will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the contrary, with an iron hand, crush any attempt at insurrection on their part. Those volunteer officers, however, who had not been blessed with a West Point training, did not always view the matter in precisely this light. Directly after May 22, 1861. Gen. Butler's accession to command at Fortress Monroe, three negro slaves came within his lines from the Rebel lines adjacent; stating that they were held as property by Col. Mallory, of the Confederate forces in his front, who was about to send them to the North Carolina seaboard, to work on the Rebel fortifications there in progress, intended to bar that coast against our arms. Gen. Butler heard their story, was satisfied of its truth, and said: These men are contraband of war: In
July 7th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
military policy, his habitual doubling or trebling of the Rebel force confronting him, and of the signal incoherence and inconsequence, especially with regard to Slavery and negroes, of the lecture which, directly after his retreat from the Chickahominy to the James had been consummated, lie found time to indite-or at least to transcribe and dispatch — to his perplexed and sorely tried superior. It is as follows: headquarters army of the Potomac, camp near Harrison's Landing, Va., July 7, 1862. Mr. President: You have been fully informed that the Rebel army is in the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our position or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I can not but regard our condition as critical; and I earnestly desire, in view of possible contingencies, to lay before your excellency, for your private consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of
April 25th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
t Hilton Head, issued the following: headquarters Department of the South, Hilton head, S. C., May 9, 1862. General Order, No. 11. The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared themselves no longer under the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the United States, it becomes a military necessity to declare them under martial law. This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible. The persons in these States--Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina--heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free. This order was rescinded or annulled by President Lincoln, in a Proclamation May 19. which recites it and proceeds: And, whereas, the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, proclaim and de
December 1st, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 11
gitive slaves ? Plainly, by the color of their skins, and that only. The sole end of this regulation was the remanding of all slaves to their masters--seven-eighths of whom were most envenomed, implacable Rebels--by depriving them of refuge within our lines from those masters' power. Gen. Camera, the Secretary of War, had already become an ardent and open convert to the policy of recognizing Slavery as the Union's real assailant, and fighting her accordingly. In his Annual Report Dec. 1, 1861. to the President of the operations of his Department, he said: It has become a grave question for determination what shall be done with the slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into Southern territory, as in the Beanfort district of South Carolina. The whole White population therein is six thousand, while the number of negroes exceeds thirty-two thousand. The panic which drove their masters in wild confusion from their homes leaves them in undisputed posses
September 17th (search for this): chapter 11
till generally regarded as apocryphal. It has been likewise asserted that the President had fully decided on resorting to this policy some weeks before the Proclamation appeared, and that he only withheld it till the military situation should assume a brighter aspect. Remarks made long afterward in Congress render highly probable the assumption that its appearance was somewhat delayed, awaiting the issue of the struggle in Maryland, which terminated with the battle of Antietam. Fought Sept. 17th--Proclamation of Freedom, dated 22d. Whether the open adhesion of the President at last to the policy of Emancipation did or did not contribute to the general defeat of his supporters in the State Elections which soon followed, is still fairly disputable. By those elections, Horatio Seymour was made Governor of New York and Joel Parker of New Jersey: supplanting Governors Morgan and Olden; while Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, also gave Opposition majorities; and Michigan,
July 4th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
he perversion of the War for the Union into a War for the Negro. Ignoring the soldiers battling for the Union--of whom at least three-fourths voted Republican at least three-fourths voted Republican at each election wherein they were allowed to vote at all; but who had not yet been enabled to vote in the field, while their absence created a chasm in the Administration vote at home — it is quite probable that, had a popular election been held at any time during the year following the Fourth of July, 1862, on the question of continuing the War or arresting it on the best attainable terms, a majority would have voted for Peace; while it is highly probable that a still larger majority would have voted against Emancipation. From an early hour of the struggle, the public mind slowly and steadily gravitated toward the conclusion that the Rebellion was vulnerable only or mainly through Slavery ; but that conclusion was scarcely reached by a majority before the occurrence of the New York Rio
July 16th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
om any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage. Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled An Act to Suppress Insurrection, to Punish Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and Confiscate Property of Rebels, and for other Purposes, approved July 16, 1862; and which sections are in the words and figures following: Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them and coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all slaves of
September 22nd (search for this): chapter 11
ed for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, [L. S.] this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State. It has been alleged tha of the Emancipation policy were neither so signal nor so promptly realized as its sanguine promoters had anticipated. Nevertheless, on the day appointed, lie issued his absolute Proclamation of Freedom, as follows : Whereas, on the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord 1862, a proclamation was issued I)v the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following to wit: That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord 1863. all persons held as s
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