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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

Found 916 total hits in 196 results.

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must withdraw or modify it. This, Gen. F. declined to do, unless openly directed by his superior; hence the following order: Washington, D. C., Sept. 11, 1861. Maj.-Gen. John C. Fremont:: Sir:--Yours of the 8th, in answer to nine of the 2d inst., is just received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the particular clause,bner Doubleday, being placed in command of the defenses of Washington, answered, April 6, 1862. through his Adjutant, to an inquiry on the subject, as follows: Sir:--I am directed by Gen. Doubleday to say, in answer to your letter of the 2d instant, that all negroes coming into the lines of any of the camps or forts under his command are to be treated as persons, and not as chattels. Under no circumstances, has the commander of a fort or camp the power of surrendering persons claimed a
he Army and Navy, to declare the slaves of any State or States free; and whether at any time, or in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I can not feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. Those are totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies or in camps. On the sixth day of March last, by a special Message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as follows: Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid. to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system. The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by largo majo
March 26th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
d you that there will always be found some lawless and mischievous persons in every army; but I assure you that the mass of this army is lawabiding, and that it is neither its disposition nor its policy to violate law or the rights of individuals in any particular. With great respect, your obedient servant, D. C. Buell, Brig.-Gen. Commanding Department. Hon. J. R. Underwood, Chairman Military Committee, Frankfort, Ky. Gen. Joseph Hooker, commanding on the Upper Potomac, issued March 26, 1862. the following order: To brigade and regimental commanders of this division: Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dunnington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey, and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have negroes supposed to be with some of the regiments of this division: the Brigadier-General commanding directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in search of their property; and, if found, that they be allowed to take possession of the same, without any interference whate
January 1st (search for this): chapter 11
nt of the governments existing there, will be continued. That, on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, allhey may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of states, if es, containing, among other things, the following to wit: That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord 1863. all persons held as slaves within any Staey may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, ift and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on tills first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, andd States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this [L. S.] 1st day of January. in the year of our Lord 1863, and of the independence of the United Stat
July, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 11
on the question of continuing the War or arresting it on the best attainable terms, a majority would have voted for Peace; while it is highly probable that a still larger majority would have voted against Emancipation. From an early hour of the struggle, the public mind slowly and steadily gravitated toward the conclusion that the Rebellion was vulnerable only or mainly through Slavery ; but that conclusion was scarcely reached by a majority before the occurrence of the New York Riots, in July, 1863. The President, though widely reproached with tardiness and reluctance in taking up the gage plainly thrown down by the Slave Power, was probably ahead of a majority of the people of the loyal States in definitively accepting the issue of Emancipation or Disunion. Having taken a long step in the right direction, lie never retracted nor seemed to regret it; though lie sometimes observed that the beneficial results of the Emancipation policy were neither so signal nor so promptly realize
August 19th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 11
olitical rights can receive protection only when it has been determined where the right lies. The manumission, which Gen. M. fore-shadowed in Missouri, West Virginia, and Maryland, was not merely a question of time. It was a question of power as well; since he plainly contemplated its achievement, not by popular action, but by military force. Paying the owner might, indeed, modify his wrath; but could not affect the fundamental question of authority and right. A letter addressed Aug. 19 1862. to the President some weeks after this, entitled The prayer of twenty Millions, and exhorting Mr. Lincoln--not to proclaim all the slaves in our country free, but to execute the laws of the land which operated to free large classes of the slaves of Rebels--concludes as follows: On the face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not one disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the
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