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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II.. Search the whole document.

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Broadway (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
Massachusetts were ready, in May, 1863, to proceed to the seat of war in South Carolina, application was made in their behalf to the Chief of Police of New York for advice as to the propriety of taking that city in their route, and marching down Broadway. He responded that they could not be protected from insult and probable assault if they did so. They thereupon proceeded wholly by water to their destination. Within seven or eight months thereafter, two New York regiments of Blacks, raised by voluntary efforts mainly of the Loyal League, though discountenanced by Gov. Seymour, marched proudly down Broadway and embarked for the seat of War, amid the cheers of enthusiastic thousands, and without eliciting one discordant hiss. The use of negroes, both free and slave, for belligerent purposes, on the side of the Rebellion, dates from a period anterior to the outbreak of actual hostilities. So early as Jan. 1st, 1861, a dispatch from Mr. R. R. Riordan, at Charleston, to lion. Percy
Cambridge (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
ubt, shouting, The day is our own! and was commanding the Rebels to surrender. Negroes and mulattoes largely swelled the motley host of raw but gallant patriots suddenly collected Nor should history forget to record that, as in the army at Cambridge, so also in this gallant band, the free negroes of the colony had their representatives. For the right of free negroes to bear arms in the public defense was, at that day, as little disputed in New England as their other rights. They took therespecting them, and have given license for their being enlisted. If this is disapproved by Congress, I will put a stop to it. Congress hereupon decided Jan. 16, 1776. That the free negroes, who have served faithfully in the army at Cambridge, may be reenlisted therein; but no others. Lord Dunmore, Royal Governor of Virginia, had ere this issued Nov., 1775. a Proclamation of martial law, wherein he called all persons capable of bearing arms, to report to His Majesty's standar
Lynchburg (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
t, previous to the 1st day of December next, no slave laboring on a farm or plantation, exclusively devoted to the production of grain and provisions, shall be taken for the public use, without the consent of the owner, except in case of urgent necessity. The Lynchburg Republican (Va.) had, so early as April, chronicled the volunteered enrollment of 70 of the free negroes of that place, to fight in defense of their State; closing with-- Three cheers for the patriotic free negroes of Lynchburg! The next recorded organization of negroes, especially as Rebel soldiers, was at Mobile, toward Autumn ; and, two or three months later, the following telegram was flashed over the length and breadth of the rejoicing Confederacy: New Orleans. Nov. 23, 1861. Over 28,000 troops were reviewed today by Gov. Moore, Maj. Gen. Lovell, and Brig.-Gen. Ruggles. The line was over seven miles long. One regiment comprised 1,400 free colored men. The (Rebel) Legislature of Virginia wa
Vicksburg (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
n of colored troops; and a Board, whereof Gen. Silas Casey was President, organized for the strict examination of all candidates for commissions in Black regiments; by whose labors and investigations a higher state of average character and efficiency was secured in the officering of these than had been attained in the (too often hasty and hap-hazard) organization of our White regiments. In August, the Adjutant-General again visited the Great Valley on this business; and he now issued from Vicksburg Aug. 18. an order which was practically a conscription of all able-bodied male Blacks who should seek protection within the Union lines, and should not be otherwise employed, into the National service. Next appeared Oct. 3. an order from the War Department, establishing recruiting stations for Black soldiers in Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee, and directing the enlistment as volunteers of all able-bodied free negroes; also the slaves of disloyal persons [absolutely], and slaves of
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
serving in the army under Washington's command, soon after the battle of Monmouth, makes their number 755; and this was prior to any systematic efforts to enlist them, and while their presence in the army was rather tolerated than invited. Rhode Island, in 1778, authorized a general enlistment of slaves for the patriot army — every one to be free from the moment of enlisting, and to receive pay, bounty, &c., precisely like other soldiers. A Black regiment was raised under this policy, which fought bravely at the battle of Rhode Island, Aug. 29, 1778. and elsewhere; as many of those composing it had done prior to its organization. Massachusetts, New York, Act of March 20, 1781. and other States, followed the example of Rhode Island, in offering liberty to slaves who would enlist in the patriot armies; and the policy of a general freeing and arming of able and willing slaves was urged by Hon. Henry Laurens, of S. C., by his son Col. John Laurens, by Col. Alexander Hamilton, G
Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
Johnson, William Johnson, King, Knapp, Law, Long, Marcy, McKinney, William II. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Sainuel J. Randall, Rogers, Ross, Scott, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Yeaman. No other War measure was so strenuously, unitedly, persistently, vehemently resisted by the Opposition, whether Democratic or Border-State Unionists, as was the proposal to arm Blacks to uphold the National cause. Said Mr. S. S. Cox, of Ohio: I believe the object of gentlemen, in forcing this bill here, is to bring about — or, rather, to make final and forever — a dissolution of the Union. * * * Every man along the border [Ohio] will tell you that the Union is for ever rendered hopeless if you pursue this policy of taking the slaves from the masters and arming them in this civil strife. The regular, authorized, avowed employment of Blacks in the Union armies — not as menials, but as soldiers — may be said to have begun w
Port Hudson (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
sieges, especially those of 1864-5. In docility, in unquestioning obedience to superiors, in local knowledge, in capacity to endure fatigue, in ability to brave exposure and resist climatic or miasmatic perils, they were equal if not superior to the average of our White troops; in intelligence and tenacity, they were inferior; and no wise General would have counted a corps of them equal, man for man, ill a great, protracted battle, to a like number of our Whites. Yet there were Black regiments above the average of Whites in merit; and their fighting at Fort Wagner, Port Hudson, Helena, Mobile, and some other points, was noticed by their commanders with well deserved commendation. To exalt them to the disparagement of our White soldiers would be as unwise as unjust; but those Whites who fought most bravely by their side will be the last to detract from the gratitude wherewith the Republic fitly honors all her sons who freely offered their lives for the salvation of their country.
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
ous defense of New Orleans — his public and vigorous reprobation Proclamation dated Mobile, Sept. 21, 1814. of the mistaken policy which had hitherto excluded them from the service, and his emphatic attestation of their bravery and good conduct while serving under his eye — are too well known to require citation or comment. When, upon hearing of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, and still more, after the riotous massacre of Massachusetts volunteers in tile streets of Baltimore, the city of New York blazed out in a fervid though not very profound enthusiasm, and military organization and arming became the order of the day, a number of Blacks quietly hired a public hall and commenced drilling therein, in view of the possibility of a call to active service, they were promptly notified by the Chief of Police that they must desist from these military exercises, or he could not protect them from popular indignation and assault. They had no choice but to do as they were bidden. Gen.
Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 22
and military, headed by Dr. Franklin, was convened Oct. 18. at Washington's headquarters before Boston; and, five days thereafter, voted, oreturn Aug. 24, 1778. of the negroes serving in the army under Washington's command, soon after the battle of Monmouth, makes their number r declined to accept his resignation; but it was, on reference to Washington, accepted by the Government; whereupon, he quit the service and rght being usually required to send a dispatch from New Orleans to Washington and receive an answer — he felt constrained by the necessities ane issue of the following General Order: Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. It is the duty of every Government to give prLorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of our Army, was dispatched from Washington to the Mississippi Valley, there to initiate and supervise the reu was established, May 22. in the Adjutant-General's office at Washington, for the record of all matters relating to the organization of co
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 22
t to be so galling that the Committee of Safety judiciously resolved: May 20, 1775. That it is the opinion of this Committee, as the contest now between Great Britain and the Colonies respects the liberties and privileges of the latter, which the Colonies are determined to maintain, that the admission of any persons, as soldd; and Jefferson characteristically says: Letter to Gordon aforesaid. Had this been to give them freedom, he would have done right. The War of 1812 with Great Britain was much shorter than that of the Revolution, and was not, like that, a struggle for life or death. Yet, short as it was, negro soldiers — who, at the outset,ston, S. C., Oct. 13, 1862. Hon. Wm. P. Miles, Richmond, Va.: Has the bill for the execution of Abolition prisoners, after January next, been passed?Do it; and England will be stirred into action. It is high time to proclaim the black flag after that period. Let the execution be with the garrote. (Signed) G. T. Beauregard.
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