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the same as if Blucher, instead of arriving at Waterloo at 4 o'clock on the afternoon of the 18th June, 1815, had joined Wellington the day before, and Napoleon had known that he had two enemies to contend against instead of one--a circumstance which would have made all the difference. In the next place, before blaming Gen. Patterson, we ought to ask whether he was in a position to do all that was required of him. The same journal which censures him so loudly, tells us of his success on the 15th, and adds that his men were so mutinous for want of shoes and other necessaries, that he had to appeal to them in the most pathetic terms to stand by him, and not forsake the flag of the Union, but without success. If this is true, it is arrant injustice to blame him. We trust our Northern friends will not copy the Carthaginians, by crucifying a general just because he is unsuccessful. That will be a sorry way of mending their misfortune. The advance on Manassas Gap was doubtless imprudent
arper's Ferry, and whose special business it was to give an account of Gen. Johnston, the rebel commander, who was at the head of 25,000 men. The favorite theory is, that the junction of Gen. Johnston's troops with those of Gen. Beauregard, on the 21st, decided the fortune of the day, and that if Gen. Patterson had done his duty, that unpropitious junction would have been avoided. It is the old tale of Grouchy and Blucher at Waterloo. Every Frenchman knows that if Grouchy had not been culpablys very natural, since it interposes an if as a shield against the dishonor of defeat, but there is something to be said against it. In the first place, Gen. Johnston was known to have joined the main army of the rebels long before the fight on the 21st, so that the advantage thus acquired by the enemy was foreseen. It is the same as if Blucher, instead of arriving at Waterloo at 4 o'clock on the afternoon of the 18th June, 1815, had joined Wellington the day before, and Napoleon had known that
August 9th (search for this): chapter 10
d this would be its result were it successful. In view of such results, mere constitutional arguments, true as as they may be, sink to the level of idle pedantry. If the Southern leaders and their adherents owed no obligations to the Union, but were perfect strangers, the Northern leaders, intrusted by Providence with the necessary material force, would be morally bound to prevent the formation of such a State--such a portentous anomaly in the history of human progress.--London Daily News, Aug. 9. 'Tis in the New World as in the Old — treason never prospers; for if it prospers, none dare call it treason. All the waiters on events, all the idolaters of success, all the secret sympathizers with despotism, are on the alert to catch the first gleam of good fortune that lights on the dark banners of a wicked cause. The rebellion that aims to enlarge and perpetuate slavery, is the only rebellion to which the Times and its tributary streamlets of un-English opinion ever wafted encourag
August 10th (search for this): chapter 10
charged in upon a number of wounded and stragglers. Then followed the scene which has been sufficiently described in these columns. On the whole, the newspapers which have come from the North within the last few days are most interesting. The tone in which the calamity is discussed is, we think, very creditable to the people of the Northern States; and, strange to say, it has not increased, but, as far as one can judge, has lessened the bitterness toward the Southerners.--London Times, August 10. We have as yet no detailed official account of the battle at Bull Run; but the additional information received during the last few days all tends to show that the earliest accounts of the engagement published were not only inaccurate, but, so far as the defeat of the North was concerned, absurdly exaggerated. This was perfectly natural, as the narratives were those of sutlers and civilians, who saw and knew nothing of the action except the retreat, and who appear to have formed their
August 13th (search for this): chapter 10
d the government of Louisiana has not mended matters, or served its cause, by attempting to discredit the informant who has told the simple truth.--London Times, August 13. War expenses and war taxes in America. Every Englishman knows, by the experience of his own country, where the shoe would begin to pinch the American belle of free trade as opposed to protection is fought out, not by hustings and platform speeches, but by the ultimo ratio regum. --London Post, (Government Organ,)Aug. 13. British interest in the war. Never was there a war in which the people of this country took a greater interest. We watch with the utmost solicitude all th to the scale of expenditure, this abundance should not continue, a rate far above ten per cent. will speedily be found necessary.--London Times, (city article,) August 13. The Americans and ourselves. The effects of the war in America are beginning to react on this country. Hitherto we have been mere spectators of the sangu
August 14th (search for this): chapter 10
heir own fortune. We cannot think, however, there are so many such people as largely to affect the quotation of American securities in our market.--London Times, August 14. General M'Clellan's appointment. The appointment of General McClellan to the command of the Federal army is a circumstance which not unnaturally has excity the moral at home, and congratulate ourselves that the old British constitution has not been precipitately remodelled after a Manchester design.--London Times, August 14. The Financial aspects of the war. The mercantile letters from New York by the present packet describe great despondency, owing to the impression produced If the blockade be ineffectual, neutral commerce will comparatively suffer little injury; if effectual, the first principles of public law tell us that we must obey with a good grace, however disagreeable the restriction may be for one great staple of British industry and British wealth.--London Post, (Government Organ,) Aug. 14.
August 17th (search for this): chapter 10
ith every nation. We are just as much inclined to praise and glorify our own institutions as the Americans are their own, and we quote with avidity from foreign journals whatever contributes to our own self-esteem. This national vanity, so far from being censurable, is, within certain limits, to be respected and admired, and as we so largely indulge in it ourselves, we ought at least to make a liberal al lowance for those who follow our example, and, it may be, exceed it.--European Times, Aug. 17. An English comment on English criticism. The battle of Bull Run has produced an extraordinary effect upon our English asses. Ever since the news arrived they have been lifting up their voices in one huge bray, and there is no telling when they will give over. It is not a bray of sympathy, of sorrow, or even of triumph. On the contrary, it is a highly moral bray, articulating lofty lessons for the advantage of all people, Englishmen especially. Yesterday we dealt with one of these
his difficulty must have been present to the minds of the Southern planters when they raised the standard of revolt. They argued that the first law of nature, self-preservation, would compel England and France to force the blockade of the Southern ports to supply themselves with an article the possession of which is essential to keep down starvation and insurrection at home, and in this sense they reasoned wisely. We may rub on with comparative ease until the Fall of the year, but towards November and December next, when cotton-laden vessels from New Orleans, Mobile, Charleston, and other ports in possession of the Southern Confederacy, usually make their appearance in British and French waters, the question will arise — a serious one for all parties — what is to be done? There are those among us who contend that, unless peace between the North and south has been secured in the interval, we must in self-defence violate the blockade to secure that great essentia of life — cotton. Be<
y must have been present to the minds of the Southern planters when they raised the standard of revolt. They argued that the first law of nature, self-preservation, would compel England and France to force the blockade of the Southern ports to supply themselves with an article the possession of which is essential to keep down starvation and insurrection at home, and in this sense they reasoned wisely. We may rub on with comparative ease until the Fall of the year, but towards November and December next, when cotton-laden vessels from New Orleans, Mobile, Charleston, and other ports in possession of the Southern Confederacy, usually make their appearance in British and French waters, the question will arise — a serious one for all parties — what is to be done? There are those among us who contend that, unless peace between the North and south has been secured in the interval, we must in self-defence violate the blockade to secure that great essentia of life — cotton. Better, these p<
it binds us neither to admire nor imitate the form of government established in the United States, we must first stop to curse our own.--Manchester Post. The blockade. We believe that we are only stating a simple truth when we say that every dispute which has existed between this country and the United States, during the present century, has arisen from the susceptibilities of the American people with respect to some supposed invasion of their national dignity and rights. The war of 1812 was occasioned by the right of search — a question which the treaty of Ghent and the Ashburton capitulation alike left unadjusted. The affair of the Caroline, McLeod's trial, the Maine boundary and Oregon disputes, and the recent San Juan difficulty, (now happily forgotten), are all examples of the boastful and offensive spirit in which successive Presidents have endeavored to assert the national dignity and rights of the once great American people. In the civil war which at present affli
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