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Doc. 12.-a disunionist answered. Letters of J. L. Orr and Amos Kendall. Ex-speaker Orb to Hon. Amos Kendall. Anderson, S. C., Aug. 16, 1860. My dear sir:--I have received your favor of the ninth inst. Your age, experience, and ability entitle your opinions to great weight on every reflecting mind, and I regret to learn from your letter that your dissent from my recommendation that the honor and safety of the South require its prompt secession from the Union, in the event of the elehington, D. C. Mr. Kendall's reply. Washington, Sept. 10, 1860. Hon. James L. Orr--My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th ult. reached Washington while I was absent in the North. Though I did not contemplate, when I wrote you on the 9th ult., any thing beyond a limited private correspondence, yet having no opinion on the portentous condition of public affairs which I have a motive to conceal, or am ashamed to avow, I cheerfully comply with your suggestions. You quote from my form
t fraternal regard may be restored; and that our country may go on in the highway of prosperity that it has so successfully trod for the last seventy years. This is the aspiration of my heart, and yet I am painfully impressed with the conviction that it will never be realized. I am, very truly, your friend and obedient servant, James L. Orr. Hon. Amos Kendall, Washington, D. C. Mr. Kendall's reply. Washington, Sept. 10, 1860. Hon. James L. Orr--My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th ult. reached Washington while I was absent in the North. Though I did not contemplate, when I wrote you on the 9th ult., any thing beyond a limited private correspondence, yet having no opinion on the portentous condition of public affairs which I have a motive to conceal, or am ashamed to avow, I cheerfully comply with your suggestions. You quote from my former letter the declaration that my mind is equally clear that the South has long had a peaceful remedy within her reach, and has it
nions upon that point, as well as the remedy to be resorted to by us, should the Government, in November, pass into the hands of a party whose declared purpose is to destroy our property, amounting inthat point as well as the remedy to be resorted to by us — the South--should the Government, in November, pass into the hands of a party whose declared purpose is to destroy our property, amounting inSouth, East and West, to be broken up, even should a black republican be elected President next November. Should the attempt be made, a united North, and three-fourths of a divided South, would sprin two-thirds of the North and of the South, would now have been marching to certain victory next November. What ought to have been the preventive, must now be the remedy. Should Lincoln, in NovembeNovember.next, secure a majority of the electors, patriotic men, North and South, without waiting for his inauguration, irrespective of party lines and throwing aside all minor considerations, must band toge
they adopt a republican government. But if there be a doubt as to the power of Congress to legislate for the territories, is it not safer and more consistent with democratic principles to deny the power than to assume it? Some of the original States, when admitted into the Union, had not the population of a third-rate city of the present day, and no harm would be likely to arise by leaving the territories to themselves until they have doubled the population of Delaware or Rhode Island in 1780. But would it not be incomparably better to admit them into the Union as States, with a much less population, than to leave them to be a bone of contention among demagogues and disunionists, disturbing every essential interest of the country and jeopardizing the union of the existing States? Let us briefly consider the practical workings of the remedy for Southern wrongs, which you suggest, in case a black republican is elected to the presidency. You ask, Is it wise, if we do not intend
ats at Charleston, they went to Baltimore for the mere purpose of more effectually completing the work of destruction by drawing off another detachment? I, sir, entertain no doubt that the secession was the result most desired by the disunionists; that the object of the new issue then gotten up was merely to form a pretext for secession, and its adoption was the last thing they desired or designed. Glance a moment at a few facts: Alabama, led by an open disunionist, went to Cincinnati, in 1856, under instructions to secede unless the equal rights of all States and Territories should be conceded and incorporated into the platform of the democratic party. The concession was made and they had no opportunity to secede. They came to Charleston under the same leader, again instructed to secede unless the convention would put into the platform a new plank, the effect of which, if adopted, would be further to disgust and alienate the Northern democracy. In this instance the sine qua n
August 16th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 12
Doc. 12.-a disunionist answered. Letters of J. L. Orr and Amos Kendall. Ex-speaker Orb to Hon. Amos Kendall. Anderson, S. C., Aug. 16, 1860. My dear sir:--I have received your favor of the ninth inst. Your age, experience, and ability entitle your opinions to great weight on every reflecting mind, and I regret to learn from your letter that your dissent from my recommendation that the honor and safety of the South require its prompt secession from the Union, in the event of the election of a black republican to the presidency. You say your mind is equally clear that the South has long had a peaceful remedy within her own reach, and has it still, though impaired by the recent conduct of some of her sons, You would greatly oblige me by a full exposition of your opinions upon that point, as well as the remedy to be resorted to by us, should the Government, in November, pass into the hands of a party whose declared purpose is to destroy our property, amounting in value at th
September 10th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 12
torm may be averted; that our rights and the Union may be saved; that fraternal regard may be restored; and that our country may go on in the highway of prosperity that it has so successfully trod for the last seventy years. This is the aspiration of my heart, and yet I am painfully impressed with the conviction that it will never be realized. I am, very truly, your friend and obedient servant, James L. Orr. Hon. Amos Kendall, Washington, D. C. Mr. Kendall's reply. Washington, Sept. 10, 1860. Hon. James L. Orr--My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 16th ult. reached Washington while I was absent in the North. Though I did not contemplate, when I wrote you on the 9th ult., any thing beyond a limited private correspondence, yet having no opinion on the portentous condition of public affairs which I have a motive to conceal, or am ashamed to avow, I cheerfully comply with your suggestions. You quote from my former letter the declaration that my mind is equally clear that the
d, leaving the abolitionists of New England and the disunionists of the South to the harmless pastime of belching fire and fury at each other at a safe distance, protected by the patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a reunion? Not an advocate of disunion, under any probable circumstances, can be found among the candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the supporters of Douglas to a man, and more than three-fourths of the supporters of Breckinridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch adversaries of northern interference with southern institutions, When, convinced of the folly and madness of their warfare on each other, as they will be after the election, if not before, they band together in common cause, and that cause the preservation of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings
John C. Breckinridge (search for this): chapter 12
belching fire and fury at each other at a safe distance, protected by the patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a reunion? Not an advocate of disunion, under any probable circumstances, can be found among the candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the supporters of Douglas to a man, and more than three-fourths of the supporters of Breckinridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch adversaries of northern interference with southern institutions, When, convinced of the folly and madness of their warfare on each other, as they will be after the election, if not before, they band together in common cause, and that cause the preservation of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings, will they not be irresistible? How much more hopeful and cheering is a prospect like this than the
John Brown (search for this): chapter 12
1. To the persistent refusal of many of the free States, and to large bodies of men in all of then, to execute the fugitive slave law. 2. To the untiring efforts of fanatics who come to the slave States under the guise of preachers, teachers, &c., in inveigling away our slaves, and to the general sympathy with their nefarious purposes, evinced by the facilities furnished them by the underground railroad in spiriting away our slaves beyond the reach of their owners. 3. To the raid of John Brown, and the sympathy which his well-merited execution evoked. 4. To the recent insurrectionary movements in Texas--projected and carried out by abolition emissaries, where the incendiary torch of the slave lighted by abolition traitors, has reduced to ashes one million of dollars' worth of property, and where the timely discovery of the hellish scheme alone saved the lives of thousands of men, women, and children. These are the natural and necessary results of the teachings of black rep
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