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February 11th (search for this): chapter 22
isseminate a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures that all may learn His will and obey His commandments. And it is recommended that all unnecessary labor and recreation be suspended on that day; and I do specially exhort the ministers of the gospel on that day to feed their flocks the divine word, and not discourse upon political and other secular topics which divert the serious thoughts of the people from the humble worship of the Father. Given at the council chamber in Boston this 11th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1883, and in the 107th year of the independence of the United States of America. Benjamin F. Butler. By his Excellency the Governor, with the advice and consent of the Council. Henry B. Peirce, Secretary. God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Now, be it known that the good and pious gentlemen who occupied many of the pulpits in Massachusetts were quite active politicians, and it was very common for them to preach political sermons on Fast a
gations of like character into their affairs in the succeeding year were quite general and caused great reforms. I forgot to mention that there is one other thing that the governor of Massachusetts by long custom and law can do, and that is to issue a proclamation appointing in the spring a day of fasting and prayer, and in the autumn after the harvest a day of thanksgiving. Thanks-giving is usually the last Thursday of November, and the day of fasting and prayer is the first Thursday of April. To state the fact exactly, I had forgotten my duty as to the fasting proclamation. A few days before the time, the Secretary of State came into the executive office, and said: , Governor, have you got your Fast Day proclamation ready? No, I have not, said I. Well, you ought to get it ready, because the Friday preceding Fast Day I am to put copies of the proclamation into the hands of the sheriffs of all the counties and to clergymen, who on the next Sunday are to give notice of t
achusetts. by his excellency Benjamin F. Butler, Governor and commander-in-chief. A proclamation for A day of Humiliation, fasting, and prayer. In conformity with the invariable uses of this Commonwealth and with a sense of our absolute dependence upon the beneficent parent of mankind, and of our numerous and aggravated offences against His holy will and commandments, I have thought fit to appoint, and by and with the advice and consent of the Council, I do appoint Thursday, the 5th day of April next, as a day of public humiliation, fasting, and prayer in this Commonwealth. And I request the ministers and people of every religious denomination throughout the same to assemble on that day in their several places of worship that we may unitedly humble ourselves in the presence of Almighty God, and acknowledge, with deep contrition, our manifold sins and transgressions; that we may devotedly deprecate His judgments and implore His merciful forgiveness through the merits of our ble
October 1st (search for this): chapter 22
d for them; that is as good banking as I want to do; the bills never come home; they are going all over the West and South, and I am getting $22,800 interest on my original $100,000; what do I want more? I am comfortable and happy; I think this banking system is the wisest one the world ever saw, and that it ought to be adopted all the world over. But let us take the banks' own exhibit of themselves. I hold in my hand the abstract of reports of national banking associations for the first of October last. Let us see their condition. They have $419,000,000 of capital stock paid in; they have been in operation on an average of less than four years; they have divided from twelve to twenty per cent., about twelve in New England and from fifteen to twenty per cent. where money is scarcer and the rate of interest rules higher. In addition to these, dividends take their own statement: surplus fund, $66,000,000; undivided profits, $33,000,000; showing that they have got, after all these
r of Massachusetts by long custom and law can do, and that is to issue a proclamation appointing in the spring a day of fasting and prayer, and in the autumn after the harvest a day of thanksgiving. Thanks-giving is usually the last Thursday of November, and the day of fasting and prayer is the first Thursday of April. To state the fact exactly, I had forgotten my duty as to the fasting proclamation. A few days before the time, the Secretary of State came into the executive office, and saidferring it. When the necessity for the proclamation of Thanksgiving came I took time to write my own proclamation and it passed muster without a word of adverse criticism, but that was perhaps because it was issued after my defeat at the November election. At the wishes of my friends I entered into the canvass for a re-election and a very bitter and fatiguing one it was. The Republican party, knowing that if I was re-elected it had lost the State, possibly for all time, put forth ever
ing about them for publication. I told him that my attention being called to the matter of the preparation of the proclamation I sat down to the task and as I was very busy and pressed for time, I bethought myself that possibly some one of my venerable predecessors in office might have issued a proclamation which would suit my case, and I sent for some of the earlier proclamations, and after examining them found one that just suited me. It was the proclamation of Governor Christopher Gore in 1810. I knew something of his history. He was a very learned and pious man, a graduate of Harvard College, for whom one of their principal halls had been named as a memorial. His proclamation calling for prayers for our fishing, navigation, and manufacturing interests seemed appropriate to my condition, and its tone was admirable. It covered every point except one, and that I inserted. Governor Gore asked the people to abstain from all secular labors, but went no further because the clergymen
find the fact to be that we have not circulation enough. Compare it with what was the circulation before the war. Mr. Chase reported the circulation of this country before the war, including gold, to be about $477,000,000, and upon examination I can see no reason to find fault with that estimate. Now we have only $550,000,000 in actual circulation, though we are doing more than three times the business calling for the use of cash that we were doing before the war. During the ten years from 1847 to 1857 the deposits and circulation of the banks averaged about thirteen dollars per capita. Now, on account of our doing so much more of our business for cash, the deposits and circulation of the banks are about twenty-four dollars per man. And if you take into consideration the currency furnished by the United States, the $300,000,000 of greenbacks, or about that sum, you will find that it is about thirty-four dollars per capita, reckoning thirty-six million people in the United States.
e fact to be that we have not circulation enough. Compare it with what was the circulation before the war. Mr. Chase reported the circulation of this country before the war, including gold, to be about $477,000,000, and upon examination I can see no reason to find fault with that estimate. Now we have only $550,000,000 in actual circulation, though we are doing more than three times the business calling for the use of cash that we were doing before the war. During the ten years from 1847 to 1857 the deposits and circulation of the banks averaged about thirteen dollars per capita. Now, on account of our doing so much more of our business for cash, the deposits and circulation of the banks are about twenty-four dollars per man. And if you take into consideration the currency furnished by the United States, the $300,000,000 of greenbacks, or about that sum, you will find that it is about thirty-four dollars per capita, reckoning thirty-six million people in the United States. This sho
payable. Why? Because up to that time there was never any currency known to the Government of the United States other than coin. Therefore the seven-thirties of 1861 and the six-twenties payable in 1881, with all the debt prior to the war, were, in letter and in spirit, payable in coin. Because Congress in issuing them was deam very glad he has been brought in here. Mr. Fessenden, as Secretary of the Treasury, was called upon to say whether the three-year loan treasury notes, issued in 1861, when there was nothing but gold to pay with, and for which gold was paid by the people to the government, was payable in coin or in currency. He decided that thethis bad note. Be it so; I am dealing only with the indorser, William Pitt Fessenden. He indorsed it and acted upon it. By his decision the seven-thirty notes of 1861, issued when there was no other currency, were caused to be paid in greenbacks, and the gold-paying public creditor was obliged, for his gold paid to the governmen
February 25th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 22
government, and upon which alone you impress the image and superscription of the government as a guarantee that it shall hereafter be made good. Now, then, when the argument is pressed upon me that in the loan bills passed previously to the five-twenty loan nothing was said as to the currency in which the bonds should be paid, I reply that there was but one currency at the time they were passed in which they could be contracted or payable. But that state of things changed on the 25th of February, 1862. The Congress of the United States had to provide means for carrying on the war; accordingly it passed a law, the first section of which provided for $150,000,000 of legal-tender notes, the language of which, as to their validity and effect, is in these words:-- And such notes, herein authorized, shall be receivable in payment of all taxes, internal duties, excises, debts, and demands of every kind, due to the United States, except duties on imports, and for all claims and demand
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