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Jay Cooke (search for this): chapter 22
nd distinctly by an act of the Congress of the United States. I agree that Mr. Jay Cooke advertised, after some sort, when endeavoring to sell it, that the principaone case, we are bound as well in the other; and does my friend insist that Mr. Jay Cooke has bound the country to the proposition that a national debt is a national. When I called the attention of the country to this some little time ago, Mr. Jay Cooke, for whom. I have very high respect, wrote me that I was mistaken; that whsist that a national debt .managed any how, by anybody — the Angel Gabriel or Jay Cooke or any other body — is not a national blessing. [Laughter.] No management oflly cost the United States nothing. One of the ablest bankers of them all, Mr. Jay Cooke, has undertaken to tell us that the banks pay in taxes a large amount, and therefore in equity we ought not to disturb them. Sir, if Mr. Jay Cooke or any one else will tell me of any business in this country that is not taxed and does not
Roland G. Usher (search for this): chapter 22
advise and consent he should have his commission. I then looked around for another reputable negro lawyer who should be a Republican in politics, and finding one, George L. Ruffin, Esq., nominated him, and the council dared not take the responsibility of his rejection. This judge held his office during his life and to the entire acceptance of the community. The State prison being in a condition of revolt when I took possession of the executive office I appointed a fellow-soldier, Col. Roland G. Usher, an independent Republican, to be its warden. It had been the custom of former wardens to go around through the prison armed from head to foot. Indeed, years before one warden had been killed by the prisoners. The new warden carried no weapons, and had no guard, and the prisoners treated him as their friend and benefactor. He retained his office through several administrations that succeeded mine, and was asked still further to retain it but resigned to attend to his private busin
John Wilkes Booth (search for this): chapter 22
trying to Impeach President Johnson presenting the case did Johnson know of Booth's plans: a private investigation Crittenden's challenge and Butler's answer g Johnson had been suspected by many people of being concerned in the plans of Booth against the life of Lincoln or at least cognizant of them. A committee — not ton Johnson was in Washington, residing at a hotel known as the Kirkwood House. Booth shot Lincoln at Ford's Theatre a few blocks away from the Kirkwood House at ten o'clock at night. At nine o'clock the same night Booth called at the Kirkwood House and left his card for Mr. Johnson, who was not in, though it could not be ascerlicate him. After the capture of Atzerott and other fellow-conspirators with Booth, it was confessed by some of them that Atzerott was to have attacked Johnson. t within the day when it was to be carried out. It seems to me that the call of Booth and his leaving a card might have been only for the purpose of finding out whet
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 22
endered possible by his performances in a western tour in advocacy of his own re-election. They disgusted everybody. Meanwhile Johnson undertook to quarrel with Stanton and depose him as Secretary of War. Congress resisted that, and Stanton stuck to his office. His efforts to remove Stanton caused a resolution for Johnson's impStanton stuck to his office. His efforts to remove Stanton caused a resolution for Johnson's impeachment to pass through the House of Representatives by a large majority. The ablest men of the house, barring myself, were elected on the board of managers to present and advocate articles of impeachment to the Senate. I did not quite agree to the articles presented or to the doctrines which were the guides by which they wereStanton caused a resolution for Johnson's impeachment to pass through the House of Representatives by a large majority. The ablest men of the house, barring myself, were elected on the board of managers to present and advocate articles of impeachment to the Senate. I did not quite agree to the articles presented or to the doctrines which were the guides by which they were presented. A great many men in and out of Congress, especially college professors, who always claim to know more about free trade and government than any practical man in the country, held that high crimes and misdemeanors named in the Constitution must be some crimes that were known in the catalogue of offences punishable by imp
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 22
nspirators with Booth, it was confessed by some of them that Atzerott was to have attacked Johnson. But as he did not, that should end the belief that there had been previously a conspiracy to abduct Lincoln, and that this scheme to kill him and Seward was substituted for it almost within the day when it was to be carried out. It seems to me that the call of Booth and his leaving a card might have been only for the purpose of finding out whether Johnson was at home. We felt it a duty to the coen on political inducements in some parts of the South have continued to this day. I take leave reverently to thank God that no drop of that blood sprinkles even the hem of my garments. Early in the administration of President Johnson, under Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, attempts were made to negotiate with England for reparation for the acts — injurious to us — committed by her during the war. These subsequently became known as the Alabama claims, after the captures by the rebel cruiser Al
Henry B. Peirce (search for this): chapter 22
sters of the gospel on that day to feed their flocks the divine word, and not discourse upon political and other secular topics which divert the serious thoughts of the people from the humble worship of the Father. Given at the council chamber in Boston this 11th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1883, and in the 107th year of the independence of the United States of America. Benjamin F. Butler. By his Excellency the Governor, with the advice and consent of the Council. Henry B. Peirce, Secretary. God save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Now, be it known that the good and pious gentlemen who occupied many of the pulpits in Massachusetts were quite active politicians, and it was very common for them to preach political sermons on Fast and Thanksgiving Days. Just as the professors of colleges know all about political economy, and therefore nearly all of them teach free trade, so these clergymen believed they knew all about finance, when the only financial oper
Grover Cleveland (search for this): chapter 22
vard College running for President in 1884 Cleveland's election fraudulent In 1863 I provided tate of New York carried the nomination of Mr. Cleveland by insisting upon voting as a unit, by votBuchanan and Douglas. The nomination of Mr. Cleveland I looked upon as a victory of the free tra authorities, that in case I would support Mr. Cleveland I should receive the highest considerationooking at the men who were gathered around Mr. Cleveland and at the doctrines they entertained, I tnot be procured to prevent the election of Mr. Cleveland by getting enough electoral votes for the ew York to prevent its throwing its vote for Cleveland. I was supported by the strongest man, the n Kelly, who represented the opposition to Mr. Cleveland. Election day came, and there were voteor me several times over to have prevented Mr. Cleveland's election, but in many of the polling-places they were counted not for me, but for Cleveland, and so the electoral ticket for the State of N
George D. Robinson (search for this): chapter 22
inded and learned president of the college, Mr. Eliot. Almost as a matter of course, therefore, I was received with very proper courtesy and treatment upon my visit, which was really a very enjoyable occasion. One result of this visit was that I broke the mould; the college has not since conferred at its commencement the degree of Ll. D. upon all the governors irrespective of their merits to that literary distinction, and they felt themselves obliged to refuse it to my successor, Gov. Geo. D. Robinson, although he was an eminent lawyer, and as such was entitled to that honor. The college had also been accustomed for many years to give that degree to the President who should visit Massachusetts during his term of office, and it was given to every one without question until it became a matter of discussion in the case of President Andrew Jackson; and while the degree was conferred upon him in due form, one of the students in the senior class addressed the President in behalf of t
N. A. Plympton (search for this): chapter 22
ssioner is one of the most important in Massachusetts. It covers fire and life insurance and a very large number of associations doing business in the State in creating-funds by assessments to relieve the necessities of future want, accident, disease, and, in most cases to provide insurance on lives. There had been great complaint of the administration of that office, and the insurance commissioner who had held it for many years resigned. I at first appointed one of my ablest friends, N. A. Plympton, Esq., to that office. But as he had been one of my ardent political friends and, as such, had done what he could to aid me in my canvass, his appointment was of course not consented to by the council. I then appointed my opponent for election to Congress in my last election, Hon. John K. Tarbox, a warm personal friend. His commission issued and he held the office until his death some years afterwards. He inaugurated a system of reforms and put the business of the department on such
Thos (search for this): chapter 22
part of the debt secured by mortgage of the whole property of the United States, without depreciation. Our debt now is $2,500,000,000, about $2,200,000,000 of it interest-bearing. Suppose we issue our legal-tender greenbacks, as I will call them for convenience, and buy up or redeem our interest-bearing debt that is due to the amount of $1,000,000,000. Then our debt stands, James F. Wilson, Iowa. Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass. John A. Logan, El. Benj. F. Butler, Mass. Thaddeus Stevens, Penn. Thos. Williams, Penn. Jno. A. Bingham, Ohio: managers of the House of Representatives of the impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson. $1,000,000,000 of non-interest-bearing debt, and $1,500,000,000 of interest-bearing debt. Now, if that $1,000,000,000 of circulation is too much, i. e., more than is needed for currency, I agree with the gentleman from Maine that it will be depreciated. But what is too much? Too much is more than will be absorbed. as currency in the business of the country. T
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