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s the waters, we give the following, as presented by our gallant and accomplished Vice-President for Mississippi-General W. T. Martin, in the Natchez Democrat. We may add that the author from whom General Martin quotes never saw, so far as we know, a copy of the Southern Historical Papers, or anything giving our side of the question. General Martin's letter. Editor Natchez Democrat: I have just read the closing volume of Martin's popular history of France. It is a continuation of Guizot's History, and closes with an account of MacMahon's resignation of the office of president of the French republic in 1881, and the installation of M. Jules Grevy. This work, as translated from the French, is published in Boston. It is beautifully printed and illustrated, its style is captivating, and altogether it is highly interesting and must needs be generally read. Already it has been distributed to thousands of subscribers in our own country, and it is reasonable to suppose that it w
us and philosophical principles were brought powerfully to bear, and the men devoted to the abolition of slavery formed a party whose sincerity was incontestible, and whose energy was undaunted. The whole world was shaken by the tragic story of John Brown, that martyr of liberty, hung by slave owners for preaching the enfranchisement of the blacks. * * * The North would fain have avoided civil war; the South hurried it on, and took the offensive. Two Southern States, Virginia, the home of Washington, and Maryland, refused to be led astray, and saved the seat of the Federal City of Washington by remaining loyal to the union. The South nevertheless had the advantage at first. Nearly all the officers of the small Federal army belonged to her, and she was far better prepared for the war than was the North. The Northerners were not people to be discouraged by a few defeats. They squandered men and money in Cyclopean efforts unceasingly renewed. They improvised an army; they improvi
North. The North at last reacted against this preponderance; the slavery question let loose the dogs of war. Popular feeling in the North, on this point, agreed with popular interest. Aside from political jealousy and manufacturing greed, religious and philosophical principles were brought powerfully to bear, and the men devoted to the abolition of slavery formed a party whose sincerity was incontestible, and whose energy was undaunted. The whole world was shaken by the tragic story of John Brown, that martyr of liberty, hung by slave owners for preaching the enfranchisement of the blacks. * * * The North would fain have avoided civil war; the South hurried it on, and took the offensive. Two Southern States, Virginia, the home of Washington, and Maryland, refused to be led astray, and saved the seat of the Federal City of Washington by remaining loyal to the union. The South nevertheless had the advantage at first. Nearly all the officers of the small Federal army belonged to he
age and thought would hardly have been tolerated in a Southern bar. Or, again, take the favorites of the North--the best known names in the camp and Cabinet — Sheridan and Hunter, whose ravages recall the devastation of the Palatinate, political rowdies like Banks and Butler, braggarts like Pope and Hooker, or even professional soldiers like Meade, Sigel, Sherman. These are the household words of the North, and any one Southern chief of the second rank — Ewell, Early, Fitzhugh Lee, Hardee, Polk, Hampton, Gilmer, Gordon — alone outweighs them all. Needless to remind you that among the twenty millions--mostly fools--was no man whom even party spirit dared liken to the stern, simple Virginia professor, the Cavalier-Puritan, whose brigade of recruits stood like a stone wall under the convergent fire of artillery and rifles that was closing round them at Mannassas; no A. P. Hill, second only to Jackson among the lieutenants of Lee; no strategist comparable to him whose death by simple se<
John D. Martin (search for this): chapter 9.92
er Ali. Waging a truceless and relentless war; trampling under foot all law, all justice, all humanity? So it will be if we lie idle. And the murderer of Harper's Ferry be exalted into a martyr of liberty, while the Spartan-like soldiers of the South--whose feet were often shoeless, whose clothing was in shreds, whose haversacks were empty, but whose courage was undaunted — whose cartridge boxes were full and their bayonets always bright — will be doomed to an immortality of infamy. will T. Martin, Vice-President Southern Historical Society for Mississippi. November 18th, 1882. In vivid contrast to the miserable twaddle of the above extracts from this Popular history of France, (which will no doubt be circulated even in the South and used in some of our schools), we give the following beautiful tribute of that accomplished Englishman, Percy Greg, Esq., who was in the Confederacy during a part of the war, who has been since a student of American History, who is a regular reade
f language and thought would hardly have been tolerated in a Southern bar. Or, again, take the favorites of the North--the best known names in the camp and Cabinet — Sheridan and Hunter, whose ravages recall the devastation of the Palatinate, political rowdies like Banks and Butler, braggarts like Pope and Hooker, or even professional soldiers like Meade, Sigel, Sherman. These are the household words of the North, and any one Southern chief of the second rank — Ewell, Early, Fitzhugh Lee, Hardee, Polk, Hampton, Gilmer, Gordon — alone outweighs them all. Needless to remind you that among the twenty millions--mostly fools--was no man whom even party spirit dared liken to the stern, simple Virginia professor, the Cavalier-Puritan, whose brigade of recruits stood like a stone wall under the convergent fire of artillery and rifles that was closing round them at Mannassas; no A. P. Hill, second only to Jackson among the lieutenants of Lee; no strategist comparable to him whose death by si<
Everard B. Meade (search for this): chapter 9.92
s formal, of the unworthiness and ignobleness that had so long dishonored more and more deeply the chair of Washington. Lincoln's uncleanness of language and thought would hardly have been tolerated in a Southern bar. Or, again, take the favorites of the North--the best known names in the camp and Cabinet — Sheridan and Hunter, whose ravages recall the devastation of the Palatinate, political rowdies like Banks and Butler, braggarts like Pope and Hooker, or even professional soldiers like Meade, Sigel, Sherman. These are the household words of the North, and any one Southern chief of the second rank — Ewell, Early, Fitzhugh Lee, Hardee, Polk, Hampton, Gilmer, Gordon — alone outweighs them all. Needless to remind you that among the twenty millions--mostly fools--was no man whom even party spirit dared liken to the stern, simple Virginia professor, the Cavalier-Puritan, whose brigade of recruits stood like a stone wall under the convergent fire of artillery and rifles that was closi<
J. O. Banks (search for this): chapter 9.92
adis of American political decline; the culmination of the vulgarity, moral as well as formal, of the unworthiness and ignobleness that had so long dishonored more and more deeply the chair of Washington. Lincoln's uncleanness of language and thought would hardly have been tolerated in a Southern bar. Or, again, take the favorites of the North--the best known names in the camp and Cabinet — Sheridan and Hunter, whose ravages recall the devastation of the Palatinate, political rowdies like Banks and Butler, braggarts like Pope and Hooker, or even professional soldiers like Meade, Sigel, Sherman. These are the household words of the North, and any one Southern chief of the second rank — Ewell, Early, Fitzhugh Lee, Hardee, Polk, Hampton, Gilmer, Gordon — alone outweighs them all. Needless to remind you that among the twenty millions--mostly fools--was no man whom even party spirit dared liken to the stern, simple Virginia professor, the Cavalier-Puritan, whose brigade of recruits sto<
hardly be better illustrated than by contrasting the Mississippi soldier and gentleman chosen to rule the rebels with the rail-splitter representative of the legitimate democracy, whose term, had he died in his bed four or five years later, would have been remembered only as marking the nadis of American political decline; the culmination of the vulgarity, moral as well as formal, of the unworthiness and ignobleness that had so long dishonored more and more deeply the chair of Washington. Lincoln's uncleanness of language and thought would hardly have been tolerated in a Southern bar. Or, again, take the favorites of the North--the best known names in the camp and Cabinet — Sheridan and Hunter, whose ravages recall the devastation of the Palatinate, political rowdies like Banks and Butler, braggarts like Pope and Hooker, or even professional soldiers like Meade, Sigel, Sherman. These are the household words of the North, and any one Southern chief of the second rank — Ewell, Earl
M. Jules Grevy (search for this): chapter 9.92
. We may add that the author from whom General Martin quotes never saw, so far as we know, a copy of the Southern Historical Papers, or anything giving our side of the question. General Martin's letter. Editor Natchez Democrat: I have just read the closing volume of Martin's popular history of France. It is a continuation of Guizot's History, and closes with an account of MacMahon's resignation of the office of president of the French republic in 1881, and the installation of M. Jules Grevy. This work, as translated from the French, is published in Boston. It is beautifully printed and illustrated, its style is captivating, and altogether it is highly interesting and must needs be generally read. Already it has been distributed to thousands of subscribers in our own country, and it is reasonable to suppose that it will find its way into public and private libraries, and be regarded as history by readers in all civilized countries. I give you below some extracts from t
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