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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Search the whole document.

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eive a commission if the United States Government shall choose to send one. That, notwithstanding the rejection of our former offers, I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, or other agent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries. Yours, etc., Jefferson Davis. Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. When Blair returned and gave me this letter of Lincoln of January 18th, it being a response to my note to Blair of the 12th, he said it had been a fortunate thing that I gave him th
by a cabal undermining the executive in his efforts successfully to prosecute the war, Lincoln may be naturally supposed thence to have reached the conclusion that he should accept nothing but an unconditional surrender, and that he should not allow a commission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital. The report of the commissioners, dated February 5, 1865, was as follows: To the President of the Confederate States: Sir: Under your letter of appointment of the 28th ult. we proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the
nditional surrender, and that he should not allow a commission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital. The report of the commissioners, dated February 5, 1865, was as follows: To the President of the Confederate States: Sir: Under your letter of appointment of the 28th ult. we proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his sentiments as to the terms, conditions, and method of proceeding by which peace can be secured to the people, and we were not info
United States over all places within the States of the Confederacy; that whatever consequences may follow from the reestablishment of that authority must be accepted; but that individuals subject to pains and penalties under the laws of the United States might rely upon a very liberal use of the power confided to him to remit those pains and penalties if peace be restored. During the conference, the proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States adopted by Congress on the 31st ultimo was brought to our notice. This amendment provides that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, should exist within the United States, or any place within their jurisdiction, and that Congress should have power to enforce this amendment by appropriate legislation. Very respectfully, etc., Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, John A. Campbell. Thus closed the conference, and all negotiations with the government of the United States for the establishment of
January 18th (search for this): chapter 1.36
Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. When Blair returned and gave me this letter of Lincoln of January 18th, it being a response to my note to Blair of the 12th, he said it had been a fortunate thing that I gave him that note, as it had created greater confidence in Lincoln regarding his efforts at Richmond. Further reflection, he said, had modified the views he formerly presented to me, and that he wanted to have my attention for a different mode of procedure. He had, as he told Lincoln, held friendly relations with me for many years; they began as far back as when I was a schoolboy at Lex
y the South laying down their arms, they will hasten that most desirable event, save thoussands of human lives and hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. When General Sherman made an agreement with General Johnston for formal disbandment of the army of the latter, it was at once disapproved by the government of the United States, and Sherman therefore wrote to Johnston: I demand the surrender of your army on the same terms as were given to General Lee at Appomattox, on April 9th, purely and simply. It remains to be stated that the government which spurned all these proposals for peace, and gave no terms but unconditional and immediate surrender, was instituted and organized for the purposes and objects expressed in the following extract, and for no others: We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the bl
, so far as there was any peace party there, might have been expected to have influence with its members; a more important inquiry, however, is: If Lincoln previously had determined to hear no proposition for negotiation, and to accept nothing less than an unconditional surrender, why did he propose to receive informally our agent? If there was nothing to discuss, the agent would have been without functions. I think the views of Lincoln had changed after he wrote the letter to Blair of June 18th, and that the change was mainly produced by the report which he made of what he saw and heard at Richmond on the night he stayed there. Blair had many acquaintances among the members of the Confederate Congress; all those of the class who, of old, fled to the cave of Adullam, gathered themselves unto him. Hunter, in a published article on the peace commission, referring to Blair's visit to Richmond, says: He saw many old friends and party associates. Here his representations were not
t Canada with a view to negotiation with such persons in the North as might be relied upon to aid the attainment of peace. The commission was designed to facilitate such preliminary conditions as might lead to formal negotiations between the two governments, and they were expected to make judicious use of any political opportunity that might be presented. The commissioners—Messrs. Clay of Alabama, Holcombe of Virginia, and Thompson of Mississippi—established themselves at Niagara Falls in July, and on the 12th commenced a correspondence with Horace Greeley of New York. Through him they sought a safe conduct to Washington. Lincoln at first appeared to favor an interview, but finally refused on the ground that the commissioners were not authorized to treat for peace. His final announcement to them was the following: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 18, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the wh
eek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his sentiments as to the terms, conditions, and method of proceeding by which peace can be secured to the people, and we were not informed that they would be modified or altered to obtain that end. We understood from him that no terms or proposals of any treaty, or agreement looking to an ultimate settlement, would be entertained or made by him with the authorities of the Confederate States, because that would be a recognition of their existence as a s
April 19th, 1775 AD (search for this): chapter 1.36
ave been opened for a mutual and friendly intercourse. How unlike this were all the propositions offered to us, will be seen in the proceedings which took place in the conferences, and in the terms of surrender offered to our soldiers. It should be remembered that mankind composes one uniform order of beings, and thus the language of arbitrary power has the same signification in all ages. When Major Pitcairn marched the British soldiers upon the common at Lexington in Massachusetts on April 19, 1775, and, drawing his sword, rushed upon the little line of Continentals, exclaiming: Disperse, ye rebels! throw down your arms and disperse! he expressed the same conditions which were offered to us in all our negotiations with the President of the United States and his generals. Does any one doubt that Major Pitcairn meant subjugation, or that Great Britain meant subjugation? Let them as dispassionately construe the government of the United States in its declarations to us. Several
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