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Montgomery County (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
arers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. Abraham Lincoln. This movement, like all others which had preceded it, was a failure. On December 30, 1864, I received a request from Francis P. Blair, a distinguished citizen of Montgomery County, Maryland, for permission to visit Richmond for certain personal objects. This was conceded to him. On January 12, 1865, he visited me, and the following statement of our interview was immediately afterward prepared: Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. Memorandum of a confidential conversation held this day with F. P. Blair of Montgomery County, Maryland. Mr. Blair stated that, not receiving an answer to his application for permission to visit Richmond, which had been sent from the headquarters of General Grant's army, he returned to Washington and there received the reply which had been made to his application, but by some means had been withheld from him and been forwarded after having been opened; that he had originall
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
assionately construe the government of the United States in its declarations to us. Several effoy to our own states, the government of the United States proposed to pardon us, and not to deprive agements between European powers and the Confederate States. This point, when referred to a second ctions were made to this commission by the United States officials, because it authorized the commi pains and penalties under the laws of the United States might rely upon a very liberal use of the ly execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, pres This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, rate, and supreme as the government of the United States in its delegated powers. One of these resss; that power is neither delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it t once disapproved by the government of the United States, and Sherman therefore wrote to Johnston: [31 more...]
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 1.36
s which he desired to offer. I therefore allowed him to read without comment on my part. When he had finished, I inquired as to his main proposition, the cessation of hostilities and the union of the military forces for the common purpose of maintaining the Monroe doctrine—how that object was to be reached. He said that both the political parties of the United States asserted the Monroe doctrine as a cardinal point of their creed; that there was a general desire to apply it to the case of Mexico. For that purpose a secret treaty might be made, etc. I called his attention to my past efforts for negotiation, and my inability to see—unless Mr. Lincoln's course in that regard should be changed— how we were to take the first step. He expressed the belief that Mr. Lincoln would now receive commissioners, but subsequently said he could not give any assurance on that point, and proposed to return to Washington to explain his project to Mr. Lincoln, and notify me, if his hope proved well f<
Darien, Ga. (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
r in the Congress, and would at the next session have still more; referred to the existence of two parties in the Cabinet, to the reluctant nomination of Mr. Chase to be Chief-Justice, etc. For himself, he avowed an earnest desire to stop the further effusion of blood, as one every drop of whose blood was Southern. He expressed the hope that the pride, the power, and the honor of the Southern States should suffer no shock; looked to the extension of Southern territory even to the Isthmus of Darien, and hoped, if his views found favor, that his wishes would be realized; reiterated the idea of State sovereignty, with illustrations, and accepted the reference I made to explanation given in the Globe, when he edited it, of the proclamation of General Jackson. When his attention was called to the brutal atrocities of their armies, especially the fiendish cruelty shown to helpless women and children, as the cause of a deep-seated hostility on the part of our people, and an insurmountabl
Lexington (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
it being a response to my note to Blair of the 12th, he said it had been a fortunate thing that I gave him that note, as it had created greater confidence in Lincoln regarding his efforts at Richmond. Further reflection, he said, had modified the views he formerly presented to me, and that he wanted to have my attention for a different mode of procedure. He had, as he told Lincoln, held friendly relations with me for many years; they began as far back as when I was a schoolboy at Lexington, Kentucky, and he a resident of that place. In later years we had belonged to the same political party, and our views had generally coincided. There was much, therefore, to facilitate our conference. He then unfolded to me the embarrassment of Lincoln on account of the extreme men in Congress and elsewhere who wished to drive him into harsher measures than he was inclined to adopt, whence it would not be feasible for him to enter into any arrangement with us by the use of political agencies;
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 1.36
Subjugation the object of the government of the United States the only terms of peace offered to us rejection of all proposals efforts of the enemy appearance of Jacques and Gilmore at Richmond proposals answer commissioners sent to Canada the object proceedings note of President Lincoln permission to visit Richmond granted to Francis P. Blair statement of my interview with him my letter to him response of President Lincoln three persons sent by me to an informal conferenceraging, and it seemed that the real issue to be decided in the Presidential election of that year was the continuance or cessation of the war. A commission of three persons, eminent in position and intelligence, was accordingly appointed to visit Canada with a view to negotiation with such persons in the North as might be relied upon to aid the attainment of peace. The commission was designed to facilitate such preliminary conditions as might lead to formal negotiations between the two governme
Manchester (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
nted to visit Canada with a view to negotiation with such persons in the North as might be relied upon to aid the attainment of peace. The commission was designed to facilitate such preliminary conditions as might lead to formal negotiations between the two governments, and they were expected to make judicious use of any political opportunity that might be presented. The commissioners—Messrs. Clay of Alabama, Holcombe of Virginia, and Thompson of Mississippi—established themselves at Niagara Falls in July, and on the 12th commenced a correspondence with Horace Greeley of New York. Through him they sought a safe conduct to Washington. Lincoln at first appeared to favor an interview, but finally refused on the ground that the commissioners were not authorized to treat for peace. His final announcement to them was the following: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 18, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integr
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.36
throw down your arms and disperse! he expressed the same conditions which were offered to us in all our negotiations with the President of the United States and his generals. Does any one doubt that Major Pitcairn meant subjugation, or that Great Britain meant subjugation? Let them as dispassionately construe the government of the United States in its declarations to us. Several efforts were made by us to communicate with the authorities at Washington without success. Commissioners wereas for us to deal with the problems before us, and leave to posterity questions which they might solve, though we could not; that, in the struggle for independence by our colonial fathers, had failure instead of success attended their effort, Great Britain, instead of a commerce which has largely contributed to her prosperity, would have had the heavy expense of numerous garrisons, to hold in subjection a people who deserved to be free and had resolved not to be subject. Our conference ended w
Appomattox (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
understood. By the South laying down their arms, they will hasten that most desirable event, save thoussands of human lives and hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed. When General Sherman made an agreement with General Johnston for formal disbandment of the army of the latter, it was at once disapproved by the government of the United States, and Sherman therefore wrote to Johnston: I demand the surrender of your army on the same terms as were given to General Lee at Appomattox, on April 9th, purely and simply. It remains to be stated that the government which spurned all these proposals for peace, and gave no terms but unconditional and immediate surrender, was instituted and organized for the purposes and objects expressed in the following extract, and for no others: We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.36
at every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by the said Constitution clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the Government thereof, remains to the people of the several States, or to their respective State governments, to whom they may have granted the same. . . . Under these impressions, and declaring that the rights aforesaid can not be abridged or violated . . . we, the said delegates, in the name and in behalf of the people of the State of New York, do, by these presents, assent to and ratify the said Constitution. With this and other conditions stated in the resolution of ratification, it was accepted and approved by the other states, and New York became a member of the Union. The resolution of Rhode Island asserts the same reservation in regard to the reassumption of powers. It is unnecessary to examine here whether this reserved power exists in the states respectively or in the people; when the Confederate States sece
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