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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Search the whole document.

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T. J. Jackson (search for this): chapter 1.36
n of blood, as one every drop of whose blood was Southern. He expressed the hope that the pride, the power, and the honor of the Southern States should suffer no shock; looked to the extension of Southern territory even to the Isthmus of Darien, and hoped, if his views found favor, that his wishes would be realized; reiterated the idea of State sovereignty, with illustrations, and accepted the reference I made to explanation given in the Globe, when he edited it, of the proclamation of General Jackson. When his attention was called to the brutal atrocities of their armies, especially the fiendish cruelty shown to helpless women and children, as the cause of a deep-seated hostility on the part of our people, and an insurmountable obstacle to an early restoration of fraternal relations, he admitted the necessity for providing a new channel for the bitter waters, and another bond than that of former memories and interests. This was supposed to be contained in the proposed common ef
F. P. Blair (search for this): chapter 1.36
Mr. Lincoln, after stating to him that he (Mr. Blair) had for many years held friendly relations foreign control. Throughout the conference Mr. Blair appeared to be animated by a sincere desire d learn whether Mr. Lincoln would adopt his (Mr. Blair's) project, and send or receive commissionerorandum of conversation was this day read to Mr. Blair, and altered in so far as he desired, in anys. The following letter was given by me to Blair: Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. anuary 18th, it being a response to my note to Blair of the 12th, he said it had been a fortunate t to report to Lincoln the result of his visit, Blair returned to Washington. He subsequently inforncoln had changed after he wrote the letter to Blair of June 18th, and that the change was mainly pard at Richmond on the night he stayed there. Blair had many acquaintances among the members of thd peace more seriously than ever before. That Blair saw and noted this serious inclining of many t[4 more...]
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 1.36
foregoing memorandum of conversation was this day read to Mr. Blair, and altered in so far as he desired, in any respect, to change the expressions employed. Jefferson Davis. The following letter was given by me to Blair: Richmond, Virginia, January 12, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: I have deemed it proper and probabent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries. Yours, etc., Jefferson Davis. Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. When Blair returned and gave me this letter of Lincol
of the war. A commission of three persons, eminent in position and intelligence, was accordingly appointed to visit Canada with a view to negotiation with such persons in the North as might be relied upon to aid the attainment of peace. The commission was designed to facilitate such preliminary conditions as might lead to formal negotiations between the two governments, and they were expected to make judicious use of any political opportunity that might be presented. The commissioners—Messrs. Clay of Alabama, Holcombe of Virginia, and Thompson of Mississippi—established themselves at Niagara Falls in July, and on the 12th commenced a correspondence with Horace Greeley of New York. Through him they sought a safe conduct to Washington. Lincoln at first appeared to favor an interview, but finally refused on the ground that the commissioners were not authorized to treat for peace. His final announcement to them was the following: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 18,
January 18th (search for this): chapter 1.36
Washington, January 18, 1865. F. P. Blair, Esq. Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Yours, etc., A. Lincoln. When Blair returned and gave me this letter of Lincoln of January 18th, it being a response to my note to Blair of the 12th, he said it had been a fortunate thing that I gave him that note, as it had created greater confidence in Lincoln regarding his efforts at Richmond. Further reflection, he said, had modified the views he formerly presented to me, and that he wanted to have my attention for a different mode of procedure. He had, as he told Lincoln, held friendly relations with me for many years; they began as far back as when I was a schoolboy at Lex
, so far as there was any peace party there, might have been expected to have influence with its members; a more important inquiry, however, is: If Lincoln previously had determined to hear no proposition for negotiation, and to accept nothing less than an unconditional surrender, why did he propose to receive informally our agent? If there was nothing to discuss, the agent would have been without functions. I think the views of Lincoln had changed after he wrote the letter to Blair of June 18th, and that the change was mainly produced by the report which he made of what he saw and heard at Richmond on the night he stayed there. Blair had many acquaintances among the members of the Confederate Congress; all those of the class who, of old, fled to the cave of Adullam, gathered themselves unto him. Hunter, in a published article on the peace commission, referring to Blair's visit to Richmond, says: He saw many old friends and party associates. Here his representations were not
nditional surrender, and that he should not allow a commission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital. The report of the commissioners, dated February 5, 1865, was as follows: To the President of the Confederate States: Sir: Under your letter of appointment of the 28th ult. we proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his sentiments as to the terms, conditions, and method of proceeding by which peace can be secured to the people, and we were not info
March 4th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1.36
retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any act of Congress. If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive duty to reenslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. On March 4, 1861, President Lincoln appeared on the western portico of the Capitol at Washington, and in the presence of a great multitude of witnesses took the following oath: I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. The first section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States is in these words: No person held t
by a cabal undermining the executive in his efforts successfully to prosecute the war, Lincoln may be naturally supposed thence to have reached the conclusion that he should accept nothing but an unconditional surrender, and that he should not allow a commission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital. The report of the commissioners, dated February 5, 1865, was as follows: To the President of the Confederate States: Sir: Under your letter of appointment of the 28th ult. we proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted and took place on the 30th ult., on board of a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the
April 19th, 1775 AD (search for this): chapter 1.36
ave been opened for a mutual and friendly intercourse. How unlike this were all the propositions offered to us, will be seen in the proceedings which took place in the conferences, and in the terms of surrender offered to our soldiers. It should be remembered that mankind composes one uniform order of beings, and thus the language of arbitrary power has the same signification in all ages. When Major Pitcairn marched the British soldiers upon the common at Lexington in Massachusetts on April 19, 1775, and, drawing his sword, rushed upon the little line of Continentals, exclaiming: Disperse, ye rebels! throw down your arms and disperse! he expressed the same conditions which were offered to us in all our negotiations with the President of the United States and his generals. Does any one doubt that Major Pitcairn meant subjugation, or that Great Britain meant subjugation? Let them as dispassionately construe the government of the United States in its declarations to us. Several
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