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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Porter Alexander, Military memoirs of a Confederate: a critical narrative. Search the whole document.

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in 1837. In 1861, he returned to military life, and was appointed Chief of Artillery of the Army about Oct., 1861, under Gen. Johnston. His command did little during the Seven Days, and Col. Brown, commanding his largest battalion, in his report mentions the great superabundance of artillery and the scanty use that was made of it. Col. Cutts, commanding another battalion, also reported:— My own small command (seven guns) was assigned a place near the battle-field of Tuesday, the 1st inst., and although I am sure that more artillery could have been used with advantage in this engagement, and also that my company could have done good service, yet I received no orders; therefore, I have not had the honor to participate in any of the many engagements for the protection of our capital. Several field-batteries were brought in, one or two at a time, upon both flanks, but each was quickly overwhelmed. The artillery under D. H. Hill, which had been engaged at White Oak Swamp th
rom Pelham, commanding his artillery, describing this position and recommending its being seized. He forwarded the report to Lee, through Jackson, and early on the 3d, with a few cavalry and a single howitzer, nearly out of ammunition, he ran off a Federal squadron and took possession of the heights. It is a pity that there was e 3d was sent by roads to the left of Jackson. By mistake of the guides he was conducted too far to the left, and only reached Evelington Heights about dark on the 3d; Jackson's troops came up at the same time by the direct road. Jackson's official report says: — On the morning of the 3d, my command arrived near the landin3d, my command arrived near the landing and drove in the enemy's skirmishers, but the date is shown by all other reports to be a clerical error for the 4th. Had Stuart not opened fire, the enemy would not have disturbed him that day. During it McClellan wrote to the Secretary of War, as follows: — I am in hopes the enemy is as completely worn out as we are. H
am sure that more artillery could have been used with advantage in this engagement, and also that my company could have done good service, yet I received no orders; therefore, I have not had the honor to participate in any of the many engagements for the protection of our capital. Several field-batteries were brought in, one or two at a time, upon both flanks, but each was quickly overwhelmed. The artillery under D. H. Hill, which had been engaged at White Oak Swamp the afternoon of the 30th, had entirely exhausted its ammunition and been sent to the rear to replenish. In the demand for guns, A. P. Hill sent two of his batteries, Davidson's and Pegram's. Pegram had been engaged in every battle, beginning with Mechanicsville. Including Malvern Hill, he had 60 casualties out of 80 men, and was only able to man a single gun at the close. This fighting, the artillery part of the action, began about noon and continued until about half-past 3 o'clock. D. H. Hill thus describes that
June 11th (search for this): chapter 9
ble effect of a most unfortunate kind for us. It awaked the enemy to instant appreciation of the fact that it was essential for him to hold that ground, and that it behooved him to take it before we brought up any more force. A military lesson is to be learned from the result, to wit, that dangers lurk in excess of enterprise as well as in its deficiency. In this campaign our cavalry affords two instances. Stuart's zeal, without necessity, led him to make the circuit of McClellan's army, June 11-15. The result was that McClellan was prepared to change his base to the James as soon as he found Lee threatening his communications. Now, the temptation to shell a camp and wagon trains loses to our army its last chance to take a position which would compel the enemy to assume the offensive. One howitzer could, of course, accomplish nothing but to alarm the enemy, and precipitate their attack. When Stuart opened fire, he thought that both Longstreet and Jackson were near. In fact,
June 15th (search for this): chapter 9
earned from the result, to wit, that dangers lurk in excess of enterprise as well as in its deficiency. In this campaign our cavalry affords two instances. Stuart's zeal, without necessity, led him to make the circuit of McClellan's army, June 11-15. The result was that McClellan was prepared to change his base to the James as soon as he found Lee threatening his communications. Now, the temptation to shell a camp and wagon trains loses to our army its last chance to take a position which wotely began the construction of a line of intrenchments about that city. These intrenchments, in 1864, defeated some attempts at surprise; and at last enabled Beauregard, with two divisions, to withstand the attack of Grant's whole army, between June 15 and 18 of that year. My personal duties during the Seven Days were the supervision and distribution of our ammunition supplies. Our organized division supply trains and brigade wagons worked smoothly, and no scarcity was felt anywhere. In
Stuart's report. attack abandoned. casualties. an artillery raid. the South side. our balloon. Next morning (Tuesday, July 1) we began to pay the penalty for our unimproved opportunity of the day before. Of course, the enemy was gone, and sweep the plain in every direction. Hill writes in the Century magazine: — Jackson moved over White Oak Swamp on July 1, Whiting's division leading. Our march was much delayed by the crossing of troops and trains. At Willis's Church I met was not able to bring a single one of his batteries into action. His official report of the day is as follows:— Tuesday, July 1, was spent by me in seeking, for some time, the commanding general, that I might get orders, and, by reason of the iavy rain-storm, but Stuart's cavalry (which had recrossed the Chickahominy by fording at Forge Bridge on the afternoon of July 1) followed the enemy and endeavored to shell his columns wherever opportunity offered. About 5 P. M. the last of these co
and wounded, and friend and foe freely mingled on that gloomy night in administering to the wants of wounded and dying comrades. . . . Early on the morning of July 2, Gen. Ewell rode upon the field, and coming to the position where my men lay, I reported to him and was relieved from further watching on the field. . . . My lossy Longstreet, while Jackson got a position which they would be forced to assault. Lee's report sums up the subsequent operations briefly, as follows: — On July 2, it was discovered that the enemy had withdrawn during the night, leaving the ground covered with his dead and wounded, and his route exhibiting abundant evidencewas determined to withdraw in order to afford them the repose of which they stood so much in need. One episode of the pursuit, however, is worthy of note. On July 2, but little progress was made by the infantry, owing to the heavy rain-storm, but Stuart's cavalry (which had recrossed the Chickahominy by fording at Forge Bridg
on's command drove in the enemy's advanced pickets. I pointed out the position of the enemy, now occupying, apparently in force, the plateau from which I shelled their camp the day before, and showed him the routes by which the plateau could be reached, to the left, and submitted my plan for dispossessing the enemy and attacking his camp. This was subsequently laid before the commanding general. From the Federal reports it appears that the enemy occupied the heights on the afternoon of July 3 with Franklin's division. The next morning Longstreet was up with his own and A. P. Hill's division and two brigades of Magruder's. Jackson was also up with his own, Ewell's, Whiting's, and D. H. Hill's divisions. Lee did not reach the field until noon, and, as Longstreet ranked Jackson, he ordered the enemy's pickets driven in and preparation made for an attack. A favorable opportunity was presented to regain the Evelington Heights by main force. They were occupied by but one divisio
road and was then at Nance's shop, six or seven miles off. Pelham fired his last round, and the sharp-shooters, strongly posted in the skirt of woods bordering the plateau, exhausted every cartridge, but had at last to retire. . . . The next day, July 4, Gen. Jackson's command drove in the enemy's advanced pickets. I pointed out the position of the enemy, now occupying, apparently in force, the plateau from which I shelled their camp the day before, and showed him the routes by which the plateacum's division across the Chickahominy to reenforce Porter. Ascensions were made daily, and when the enemy reached Malvern Hill, the inflated balloon would be carried down the river and ascensions made from the deck of a boat. Unfortunately, on July 4, the boat — the Teaser, a small armed tug —got aground below Malvern Hill on a falling tide, and a large Federal gunboat, the Maritanza, came up and captured both boat and balloon, the crew escaping. We could never build another balloon, but m
July 12th (search for this): chapter 9
ts. We lost two guns in the stampede in Holmes's division. For a week after McClellan had established himself at Westover, he neglected to occupy the opposite bank of the James. As the fire of his gunboats commanded it, he could do so at pleasure, but as long as he did not, it was much better for us that he should not. Again, however, the temptation to shell a camp proved irresistible, and Lee was persuaded to authorize an expedition for the purpose under Pendleton's supervision. On July 12 some 47 rifled guns were collected, positions chosen, and ranges marked for night firing. After midnight they opened fire upon the Federal transports, wharves, and camps, and used up their small supplies of ammunition in a random cannonade. The enemy replied in like fashion, both from the shore and from gunboats. Of course, there was much commotion in the Federal camps, but the actual damage done was trifling. Some 40 casualties are reported among the Federals, and two or three among t
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