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de war on General Schofield, under the present state of affairs, made war on him—the President. Said he never had made war on General S., except incidentally. Oct. 14.—Received yesterday an order from Genl. [Lorenzo] Thomas appointing officers for the 1st Regt. Mo. Volunteers, of African descent, and directing that they be detailed to raise the regiment. Have telegraphed to the War Department for instructions as to the mode of raising these troops, referring to a letter I wrote to Col. Townsend on the subject on the 29th of September. In that letter I explained the difficulty of raising such troops in Missouri, unless it be done without regard to the claims of loyal slave-owners. I also recommended that all able-bodied negroes be enlisted, receipts given as a basis for payment to loyal owners, and suggested that those of unquestioned loyalty might be paid at once from the substitute fund. No answer has been received to that letter. Some months ago I wrote to the Secretary
Thomas Carney (search for this): chapter 6
several weeks, and had full conversations with the President on public affairs. The political situation was a perplexing one. The state of parties in the West seemed that of inextricable confusion, which Mr. Lincoln and his friends were anxious to unravel, if possible, before the next Presidential nomination. In Missouri the faction which had been friendly to me was also a supporter of Mr. Lincoln, while the radicals were opposed to him. In Kansas, on the contrary, the so-called Lane and Carney factions, while vying with each other in professions of radicalism, were divided in the opposite manner. The former supported the President, but was bitterly hostile to me, while the latter was friendly to me and opposed to Mr. Lincoln. I frankly told the President that it was impossible for me to reconcile those differences—indeed, that I did not believe any general in the army could, as department commander, satisfy the Union people of both Kansas and Missouri; neither the man nor the p
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 6
nts to Genl. Rosecrans and a large force to Genl. Grant, to assist in the capture of Vicksburg; andr and a force equivalent to the one sent to Genl. Grant, returned by him after the fall of Vicksbur come? Shall they be withdrawn from Banks, or Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans? Few things have bend a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing Vicksburg and menaced froma despatch was received in Washington from General Grant, then commanding the Military Division of n being asked whom he wanted for that command, Grant replied: Either McPherson or Schofield. Amoown in Washington to be in the near future was Grant's elevation to the command of all the armies, n's to that of the Army of the Tennessee. But Grant alone, perhaps, had no right to anticipate thoatements. My personal acquaintance with General Grant was equally limited—we having met but oncehe felt no sympathy. In St. Louis I met General Grant, who was then so soon to be assigned to th[3 more...]
Charles D. Drake (search for this): chapter 6
I telegraphed the President last night that so much of it as relates to me is not only untrue in spirit, but most of it is literally false. If an answer or explanation is on any account desirable, I shall be glad to make it. To-day I received from the President a despatch saying: Think you will not have just cause to complain of my action. . . . The next day the President made this reply to the radical delegation: executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., October 5, 1863. Hon. Charles D. Drake and others, Committee. gentlemen: Your original address, presented on the 30th ultimo, and the four supplementary ones, presented on the 3d inst., have been carefully considered. I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my attention, together with the great length and importance of the documents, as constituting a sufficient apology for my not having responded sooner. These papers, framed for a common object, consist of the things demanded, and the reasons for demandi
instructions about the negro question. No answer. The Hon. Secretary seems determined to make me deal with that question on my own responsibility. It is very natural, but hardly just to me. I had issued an order respecting elections, in accordance with the President's instructions. A personal request was made to me for a modification of the order. The following letter was written in reply to that request: Headqrs., Department of the Missouri, St. Louis, Oct. 24th, 1863. Hon. C. Drake, St. Louis. Sir: After full consideration of the subject of our conversation this morning, I am of the opinion that no further orders upon the subject of the election are necessary. The law which provides the manner in which soldiers shall vote, and directs how the judges of election shall be appointed, is as binding upon all persons to whom it relates as any order would be. Genl. Order No. 120 also alludes to the subject of soldiers voting, I think, in sufficiently strong terms,
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 6
icksburg, and believed I would do what was right to the best of my ability. I have had abundant reasons for believing that he never felt disappointed in his trust and confidence. General Halleck knew me much better, having been my immediate commander in Missouri in 1861 and 1862. Although on one or two occasions he seemed a little harsh in respect to unimportant matters, he was uniformly kind, considerate, and unwavering in his personal and official support. The Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, expressed his confidence and approval; said he was opposed to any change; that it was the President's affair, with which he had nothing to do. I got the impression that he regarded the whole scheme as a political one, in which he took no interest, and with which he felt no sympathy. In St. Louis I met General Grant, who was then so soon to be assigned to the command of all the armies of the United States, and for the first time really became acquainted with him. We were together much
Willard P. Hall (search for this): chapter 6
itia of northwestern Missouri which had been made for the purpose of suppressing the lawlessness that had prevailed there under the name of loyalty, saying: I take the liberty of sending you a letter which I have this day received from Hon. Willard P. Hall, Lieut.-Governor of Missouri. It may be of interest to you, as showing the good effect of the stringent measures which I felt compelled to adopt in some portions of Missouri, and of the firm support you have given me. The immediate e citizens seem to be, and I believe are, ready to discharge all the duties of loyal men. The people are truly grateful to you for your efforts to protect them, and you may rest assured will never fail you in any emergency. Yours truly, Willard P. Hall. Major-Genl. Schofield, etc. The following was written by me, November 1, 1863, to Mr. James L. Thomas of St. Louis, in answer to what was understood to be an attempt to obtain some expression of partizan preference as between the pestil
Leavenworth (search for this): chapter 6
rease your difficulties. This is one reason why I informed Genl. Halleck what I thought it necessary to do. Have since received a despatch from Genl. Halleck saying that he had ordered Brig.-Genl. J. B. Sanborn from Vicksburg to report to me for duty. Have received a letter from Atty.-Genl. Bates, dated Sept. 29, saying I need have no fear of the result of the efforts of the radical delegation. On Sept. 30 I received a despatch from the President transmitting the false report from Leavenworth that Col. Moss, of the militia, was driving out Union families from Platt and Union counties. After full inquiry from Col. Guitar, Genl. Ewing, and Col. Williams at St. Joseph, have replied to the President, informing him the report is false, and a base attempt of my enemies to influence his action. Under date of October 4, I wrote in my journal: The address presented to the President by the radical delegation from Missouri was published in the Democrat last evening. I telegrap
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 6
n giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their range. Your obt. servt., A. Lincoln. I wrote in my journal, under date of October 2: Colonel Du Bois, Captain Benham, and Captain Howard, who were sent to inspect in Genl. Ewing's and Geeither radicals or conservatives. It is my duty to hear all; but at last, I must, within my sphere, judge what to do and what to forbear. Your obt. servt., A. Lincoln. On October 13, I wrote in my journal: The radical delegation has returned from Washington very much crestfallen. It is generally conceded that they tention to this region, particularly on Election day. Prevent violence, from whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers themselves do no wrong. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. Hdqrs., Dept. Of the Missouri, St. Louis, Nov. 9th, 1863. Mr. President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential letter dated Oct.
John McNeil (search for this): chapter 6
n giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their range. Your obt. servt., A. Lincoln. I wrote in my journal, under date of October 2: Colonel Du Bois, Captain Benham, and Captain Howard, who were sent to inspect in Genl. Ewing's and Genl. Blunt's districts, have returned. They report affairs in Blunt's district in a disgraceful condition. I have determined to relieve Blunt, and propose to send McNeil to Fort Smith. I telegraphed my intentions to Genl. Halleck this morning, and asked for a general officer to command one of the two districts. Soon after I received a despatch from the President saying Genl. Halleck had shown him my despatch, and adding: If possible, you better allow me to get through with a certain matter here before adding to the difficulties of it. Meantime supply me with the particulars of Maj.-Genl. Blunt's case. I replied: I will forward the papers in Genl. Blunt'
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