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John Morgan (search for this): chapter 6
directed him to act solely for the public good, and independently of both parties. Neither anything you have presented me, nor anything I have otherwise learned, has convinced me that he has been unfaithful to this charge. Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield; and the late massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, is pressed as evidence of that imbecility. To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove the proposition. That massacre is only an example of what Grierson, John Morgan, and many others might have repeatedly done on their respective raids, had they chosen to incur the personal hazard and possessed the fiendish hearts to do it. The charge is made that General Schofield, on purpose to protect the Lawrence murderers, would not allow them to be pursued into Missouri. While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for those murderers, I am well satisfied that the preventing of the remedial raid into Missouri was the only safe way to avoid an indisc
October 5th, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ocrat last evening. I telegraphed the President last night that so much of it as relates to me is not only untrue in spirit, but most of it is literally false. If an answer or explanation is on any account desirable, I shall be glad to make it. To-day I received from the President a despatch saying: Think you will not have just cause to complain of my action. . . . The next day the President made this reply to the radical delegation: executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., October 5, 1863. Hon. Charles D. Drake and others, Committee. gentlemen: Your original address, presented on the 30th ultimo, and the four supplementary ones, presented on the 3d inst., have been carefully considered. I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my attention, together with the great length and importance of the documents, as constituting a sufficient apology for my not having responded sooner. These papers, framed for a common object, consist of the things demanded, and the
in spirit, but most of it is literally false. If an answer or explanation is on any account desirable, I shall be glad to make it. To-day I received from the President a despatch saying: Think you will not have just cause to complain of my action. . . . The next day the President made this reply to the radical delegation: executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., October 5, 1863. Hon. Charles D. Drake and others, Committee. gentlemen: Your original address, presented on the 30th ultimo, and the four supplementary ones, presented on the 3d inst., have been carefully considered. I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my attention, together with the great length and importance of the documents, as constituting a sufficient apology for my not having responded sooner. These papers, framed for a common object, consist of the things demanded, and the reasons for demanding them. The things demanded are: First. That General Schofield shall be relieved and Gen
November 1st, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 6
re security for men and property in northwestern Missouri than there has been since the rebellion began. There is not a spark of rebellious feeling left here, and all citizens seem to be, and I believe are, ready to discharge all the duties of loyal men. The people are truly grateful to you for your efforts to protect them, and you may rest assured will never fail you in any emergency. Yours truly, Willard P. Hall. Major-Genl. Schofield, etc. The following was written by me, November 1, 1863, to Mr. James L. Thomas of St. Louis, in answer to what was understood to be an attempt to obtain some expression of partizan preference as between the pestilent factions: In reply to your letter of Oct. 30th, I will state that in some important particulars you entirely misapprehended my remarks made during our conversation on the 29th. I spoke of the lawless acts committed in some portions of Missouri by men claiming to be radicals and acting in the name of radicalism; and assert
sured will never fail you in any emergency. Yours truly, Willard P. Hall. Major-Genl. Schofield, etc. The following was written by me, November 1, 1863, to Mr. James L. Thomas of St. Louis, in answer to what was understood to be an attempt to obtain some expression of partizan preference as between the pestilent factions: In reply to your letter of Oct. 30th, I will state that in some important particulars you entirely misapprehended my remarks made during our conversation on the 29th. I spoke of the lawless acts committed in some portions of Missouri by men claiming to be radicals and acting in the name of radicalism; and asserted that leading men and papers of the party had failed to do their duty by disavowing and frowning down this lawlessness; that in this course they had been guilty of great folly, and had brought odium upon their party in Missouri and throughout the country; that they had injured rather than advanced the cause of emancipation. I made no remarks re
October 4th (search for this): chapter 6
ed have no fear of the result of the efforts of the radical delegation. On Sept. 30 I received a despatch from the President transmitting the false report from Leavenworth that Col. Moss, of the militia, was driving out Union families from Platt and Union counties. After full inquiry from Col. Guitar, Genl. Ewing, and Col. Williams at St. Joseph, have replied to the President, informing him the report is false, and a base attempt of my enemies to influence his action. Under date of October 4, I wrote in my journal: The address presented to the President by the radical delegation from Missouri was published in the Democrat last evening. I telegraphed the President last night that so much of it as relates to me is not only untrue in spirit, but most of it is literally false. If an answer or explanation is on any account desirable, I shall be glad to make it. To-day I received from the President a despatch saying: Think you will not have just cause to complain of my actio
October 2nd (search for this): chapter 6
viduals to perform the same service, because, under pretense of doing this, they become marauders and murderers themselves. To now restore peace, let the military obey orders, and those not of the military leave each other alone, thus not breaking the peace themselves. In giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you in other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their range. Your obt. servt., A. Lincoln. I wrote in my journal, under date of October 2: Colonel Du Bois, Captain Benham, and Captain Howard, who were sent to inspect in Genl. Ewing's and Genl. Blunt's districts, have returned. They report affairs in Blunt's district in a disgraceful condition. I have determined to relieve Blunt, and propose to send McNeil to Fort Smith. I telegraphed my intentions to Genl. Halleck this morning, and asked for a general officer to command one of the two districts. Soon after I received a despatch from the President saying Genl. Halleck
October 13th (search for this): chapter 6
ands in Missouri, or elsewhere, responsible to me, and not to either radicals or conservatives. It is my duty to hear all; but at last, I must, within my sphere, judge what to do and what to forbear. Your obt. servt., A. Lincoln. On October 13, I wrote in my journal: The radical delegation has returned from Washington very much crestfallen. It is generally conceded that they have accomplished nothing. Nothing official is yet known on the subject. . . . Lane spoke at Turner'sd without place or date, but having the signature of (apparently) the writer, is a letter of eight closely written foolscap pages. The other two are written by a different person at St. Joseph, Mo., and of the date, respectively, October 12th and 13th, and each inclosing a large number of affidavits. The general statements of the whole are that the Federal and State authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the loyal, and that the latter will all be killed or driven out of the State
with the result of this controversy, so far as it concerned me, and with the condition of the department when it terminated, near midwinter. Yet I was satisfied some change was impending, and cared not how soon it might come, now that my administration had been fully vindicated. In fact, such a command was not at all to my taste, and I had always longed for purely military service in the field, free from political complications. It was therefore with sincere pleasure that I received, in December, a summons from the President to come to Washington. But before relating the circumstances of my visit to the President, I must refer to an incident which occurred a short time before I left St. Louis, and which I was afterward led to suspect was the immediate cause of the President's desire to see me. The Missouri legislature was in session and balloting for a United States senator. The legislature was divided into three parties—radicals, conservative Republicans, and Democrats, or
November 9th, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 6
ed—induces me to suppose I understand the case. But I do not state my impression, because I might be mistaken, and because your duty and mine is plain in any event. The locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and Buchanan County. I wish you to give special attention to this region, particularly on Election day. Prevent violence, from whatever quarter, and see that the soldiers themselves do no wrong. Yours truly, A. Lincoln. Hdqrs., Dept. Of the Missouri, St. Louis, Nov. 9th, 1863. Mr. President: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your confidential letter dated Oct. 28th, and containing the names of men enlisted in the militia of northwest Missouri who are said to have been disloyal. On my visit to Kansas and northwest Missouri during the troubles there in September last, I examined personally into the difficulties in Platte, Buchanan, and other western counties, and learned fully their nature and origin. I at once ordered the reorganization of
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