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Charles Davenant (search for this): entry burke-edmund
ave in my hand two accounts: one a comparative state of the export trade of England to its colonies, as it stood in the year 1704, and as it stood in the year 1772; the other a state of the export trade of this country to its colonies alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of England to all parts of the world (the colonies included) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers: the latter period from the accounts on your table, the earlier from an original manuscript of Davenant, who first established the inspector-general's office. which has been ever since his time so abundant a source of parliamentary information. The export trade to the colonies consists of three great branches. The African, which, terminating almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their commerce; the West Indian; and the North American. All these are so interwoven that the attempt to separate them would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole; and if not entirel
among antiquarians. But we have all the reason in the world to be assured that a form of parliament, such as England then enjoyed, she instantly communicated to Ireland; and we are equally sure that almost every successive improvement in constitutional liberty, as fast as it was made here, was transmitted thither. The feudal bare advanced an inch before your privileges. Sir John Davis shows beyond a doubt that the refusal of a general communication of these rights was the true cause why Ireland was 500 years in subduing; and after the vain projects of a military government, attempted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was soon discovered, that nothing cvility and allegiance, but your laws and your forms of legislature. It is not English arms, but the English constitution, that conquered Ireland. From that time Ireland had ever had a general parliament, as she had before a partial parliament. You changed the people; you altered the religion; but you never touched the form of th
er within the state, and the civil dissensions which may, from time to time, on great questions, agitate the several communities which compose a great empire. It looks to me to be narrow and pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent individual (Sir Walter Raleigh) at the bar. I hope I am not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies, intrusted with magistracies of great authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their fellow-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really think, that for wise men this is not judicious; for sober men, not decent; for minds tinctured with humanity, not mild and merciful. Perhaps, sir, I am mistaken in my ideas of an empire, as distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But my ide
ndividuals, or even of bands of men, who disturb order within the state, and the civil dissensions which may, from time to time, on great questions, agitate the several communities which compose a great empire. It looks to me to be narrow and pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent individual (Sir Walter Raleigh) at the bar. I hope I am not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies, intrusted with magistracies of great authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their fellow-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really think, that for wise men this is not judicious; for sober men, not decent; for minds tinctured with humanity, not mild and merciful. Perhaps, sir, I am mistaken in my ideas of an empire, as dist
t give us originally the House of Commons, gave us at least a House of Commons of weight and consequence. But your ancestors did not churlishly sit down to the feast of Magna Charta. Ireland was made immediately a partaker. This benefit of English laws and liberties, I confess, was not at first extended to all Ireland. Mark the consequence. English authority and English liberties had exactly the same boundaries. Your standard could never be advanced an inch before your privileges. Sir John Davis shows beyond a doubt that the refusal of a general communication of these rights was the true cause why Ireland was 500 years in subduing; and after the vain projects of a military government, attempted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was soon discovered, that nothing could make that country English, in civility and allegiance, but your laws and your forms of legislature. It is not English arms, but the English constitution, that conquered Ireland. From that time Ireland had ever h
med a thing so incongruous that. eight years after — that is, in the thirty-fifth of that reign — a complete and not ill-proportioned representation by counties and boroughs was bestowed upon Wales by act of Parliament. From this moment, as by a charm, the tumult subsided, obedience was restored, peace, order, and civilization followed in the train of liberty. When the day-star of the English constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was harmony within and without. Simul alba nautis Stella refulsit. Defluit saxis agitatus humor; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, Et minax (quod sic volucre) ponto Unda recumbit. (Soon as gleam Their stars at sea, The lash'd spray trickles from the steep, The wind sinks down, the storm-cloud flies, The threatening billow on the deep Obedient lies.) The very same year the county palatine of Chester received the same relief from its oppression, and the same remedy to its disorders. Before this time Chester was little less distempered tha
deal in nothing but fact, authenticated by Parliamentary record; and to build myself wholly on that solid basis. On the 4th of April, 1748, a committee of this House came to the following resolution: Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is just and reasonable that the several provinces and colonies his faithful subjects of certain colonies in North America have exerted themselves in defence of his Majesty's just rights and possessions. recommends it to this House to take the same into their consideration, and to enable his Majesty to give them such assistance as may be a proper reward and encouragement. On the 3d of Febr and burthen, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new taxation must, therefore, come in by the backdoor of the constitution. Each quota must be brought to this House ready formed; you can neither add nor alter. You must register it. You can do nothing further. For on what grounds can you deliberate either before or after the
I found four capital examples in a similar case before me; those of Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham. Ireland, before the English conquest, though never governed by a despotic power, had no parlttern of Chester was followed in the reign of Charles II. with regard to the county palatine of Durham, which is my fourth example. This county had long lain out of the pale of free legislation. islative authority is perfect with regard to America; was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham? But America is virtually represented. What! does the electric force of virtual representationass over the Atlantic, than pervade Wales, which lies in your neighborhood; or than Chester and Durham, surrounded by abundance of representation that is actual and palpable? But, sir. your ancestord dissolve the unity of the empire; which was preserved entire, although Wales, and Chester, and Durham were added to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not know what this unity means; nor has it ever been
f resemblance, according to the modes of those times. to that of commander-in-chief at present. to whom all civil power is granted as secondary. The manners of the Welsh nation followed the genius of the government; the people were ferocious, restive, savage, and uncultivated; sometimes composed, never pacified. Wales, within itself, was in perpetual disorder; and it kept the frontier of England in perpetual alarm. Benefits from it to the state there were none. Wales was only known to England by incursion and invasion. Sir, during that state of things Parliament was not idle. They attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of the Welsh by all sorts of rigorous laws. They prohibited by statute the sending all sorts of arms into Wales, as you prohibit by proclamation (with something more of doubt on the legality) the sending arms to America. They disarmed the Welsh by statute, as you attempted (but still with more question on the legality) to disarm New England by an instruction.
Burke, Edmund, 1730-1797 Statesman; born in Dublin, June 1, 1730; was one of fifteen children of Richard Burke, an attorney, and was descended from the Norman De Burghs, who early settled in Ireland; graduated at Trinity College, Dublin (1748); studied law, and in 1756 published his famous essay on The sublime and beautiful. In 1758-59 he and Dodsley established the Annual Registor; and in 1765 he was made secretary to Premier Rockingham. He entered Parliament in 1766. There he took an er and clear writer he had few superiors. His conversational powers were remarkable. and he was one of the suspected authors of the famous Letters of Junius. He died in Beaconsfield, England, July 9, 1797. Conciliation with the colonies. Burke's great conciliatory speech in the British Parliament, on March 22. 1775, was based on the following proposals which he had previously introduced: That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consisting of fourteen sepa
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