hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 16,340 0 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 6,437 1 Browse Search
France (France) 2,462 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 2,310 0 Browse Search
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) 1,788 0 Browse Search
Europe 1,632 0 Browse Search
New England (United States) 1,606 0 Browse Search
Canada (Canada) 1,474 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 1,468 0 Browse Search
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) 1,404 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing). Search the whole document.

Found 284 total hits in 13 results.

1 2
ritish owned, and carried in British ships to Chinese ports, yet its place of origin is none the let of the United States in the foreign trade of China is not only an increasing one, but is also a pts in the Far East; but this is not the case. China is an almost untapped market. It is a vast co their share in the prospective development of China as a whole interfered with? There is no doubtto a policy of drift. The effete and corrupt Chinese government has been so severely shaken that, to destroy the present governmental system in China, but how is it to be reconstructed? What willions, and a capacity to land 200,000 troops in China at any moment. Apart from these two, the Unit motives, but to guarantee the independence of China and the maintenance of a fair field and no favound lines as the imperial maritime customs of China is established. Observation of recent evengress, for the benefit of their own people, as well as for the benefit of China, and of the world. [34 more...]
United States (United States) (search for this): entry china-and-the-powers
tain, and the 8 per cent. possessed by the United States. It must be remembered, however, that it ls, jeans, and sheetings, the trade of the United States has steadily gone ahead in China, while inarent, therefore, that the interest of the United States in the foreign trade of China is not only m of the policy I suggested in my speeches in America, because, they say, if inaugurated it would force the United States into a situation which might lead to war, and therefore the interests involvviews and those of the business men of the United States, when the latter have carefully examined tinternational complications. Where is the United States' sphere of influence to be? I think the apolicy was advocated in my recent speeches in America on the China question. I suppose that, eve at any moment. Apart from these two, the United States, by her position on the other side of the at Britain to lead, and I believe that the United States will not refuse to follow, but that both n[13 more...]
rs had over 72 per cent. of the whole of the foreign trade with China in their hands; all the other powers combined having only 28 per cent. between them, of which Japan possesses the larger share. It is perfectly true that, upon examining these figures, there seems to be a great disproportion between 64 per cent. of trade possese competitors, has already out-distanced all rivals, and obtained 8 per cent. of the whole trade, as against 28 per cent. of all other nations combined (including Japan). Viewed in this light, it will be seen that the disproportion between the trade of Great Britain and the United States is less real than apparent. There are one ned with her possession of the chief coaling stations, is pre-eminently in a position to deal with the China question by war, if she so desired. Next to her comes Japan, with a fine fleet in close proximity to the scene of operations, and a capacity to land 200,000 troops in China at any moment. Apart from these two, the United S
mpire. For many years Great Britain held an almost undisputed commercial position in that country. Subsequently, other European countries began to compete with her; but the American nation, which is probably about the latest of these competitors, he foreign trade of China is not only an increasing one, but is also a proportionately greater interest than that of all European competitors, with the exception of Great Britain, and this despite the fact that most of them had the start of the Unitemly await events really means to precipitate the dangers we all wish to avoid. Recent action on the part of the various European powers has tended to discredit the Chinese government in the eyes of the people. So-called spheres of influence are beie men and ships rapidly and effectively, has also to be counted with; while, as any trouble in China would probably mean European complications, Germany would have to be regarded as an important factor in the position. Above all, these four powers
e easy to destroy the present governmental system in China, but how is it to be reconstructed? What will become of the guarantees and undertakings of China, and what security have we that the expectant heirs of the Sick Man of the Far East will assume the responsibility for his obligations? The phrase spheres of influence is easy to use in theory, but how is the policy it indicates to be carried out in practice? Nominal spheres of influence, such as Germany now possesses in Shantung, or Russia in Manchuria, may exist as long as there is a Chinese government with some authority over the people to maintain law and order; but when that government is overturned and the authority of the hated foreigner is substituted for it, the question becomes less easy to settle than it looks on the face of it. Are the powers going to land armies to conquer or repress 400,000,000 people, who even now show an undisguised hatred and contempt for the foreigner and all his methods? Are you going to des
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): entry china-and-the-powers
t must be remembered, however, that it was Great Britain who opened up, made possible, and developehat the disproportion between the trade of Great Britain and the United States is less real than apuropean competitors, with the exception of Great Britain, and this despite the fact that most of thart of the United States in competing with Great Britain for the China market. I was pleased toal interests of both the United States and Great Britain that they should support China, and so preeveloped. Can either the United States or Great Britain afford to stand aside and see their presenat the answer of the commercial classes in Great Britain will be, and I do not think that there wil States' sphere of influence, like that of Great Britain, should be wherever American trade prepondre of influence can compensate America and Great Britain for the loss they must sustain. The polis will be altered. At the present moment Great Britain, with her enormous fleet in Far Eastern wa[6 more...]
China and the powers. A clear exposition of the Chinese situation in 1900 is given in the following article written by Lord Charles Beresford: None of the powers has greater interests at stake in China, whether existent or prospective, than Great Britain and the United States. As will be seen by my Report on the China mission, the latest figures I was able to obtain during my visit to China in 1898 showed that these two powers had over 72 per cent. of the whole of the foreign trade with China in their hands; all the other powers combined having only 28 per cent. between them, of which Japan possesses the larger share. It is perfectly true that, upon examining these figures, there seems to be a great disproportion between 64 per cent. of trade possessed by Great Britain, and the 8 per cent. possessed by the United States. It must be remembered, however, that it was Great Britain who opened up, made possible, and developed the foreign trade of the Chinese Empire. For many
in the commercial interests of both the United States and Great Britain that they should support China, and so prevent the total collapse of this immense empire, together with the consequent disorganecessary to go to Congress, or to the Imperial Parliament, to secure the men necessary to assist China to effect these reforms. As long as the four governments induced China to undertake the reformsChina to undertake the reforms in return for their protection, men would easily be secured from all of these countries, and also from other nations, who would assist the Chinese in building up their empire on more stable foundations. The moral and political support of China by the four powers I have named is all that is needed. They need not expend a single shilling, or move a single man, officially, in order to carry it out. All that is required is that China shall be assisted, and, in return for such assistance, shall employ foreigners of all countries who will reorganize her army and her finances on as sound line
detailed account in my report, and I am convinced that, properly armed, disciplined, and led, there could be no better material than the Chinese soldier. I leave it to the commercial classes of the United States to say whether it is not worth their while to incur such slight risks for such great profit, and for so good an object. On sound business lines this policy appeals to the American nation; but, in addition to that, are we going to let this opportunity slip of drawing the two Anglo-Saxon nations together for the cause of civilized progress, and the benefit of the world at large? Great nations have great responsibilities, to which they must be true, and when those responsibilities and self-interest go hand in hand, it would be unwise to miss the opportunity. Events are moving very rapidly in the Far East. A decision must be arrived at, and action of some sort taken very soon. It is the duty of Great Britain to lead, and I believe that the United States will not refuse t
to be taken into consideration in studying these statistics, which, like all figures, are more or less misleading. The first point is that not only is a very large proportion of American trade carried in British bottoms, but, in addition, a considerable amount is consigned to the old-established British firms in China, and therefore is rightly treated as British commerce by the Chinese customs. This trade in American goods is very large, I am told; and, while it is rightly classified as British, being British owned, and carried in British ships to Chinese ports, yet its place of origin is none the less American. The second point is, that this 8 per cent. of actual American trade as against 64 per cent. of nominal British trade has been obtained in a comparatively few years, and the proportionate increase of trade in the last two or three years would therefore be found to be in favor of America. The third, and still more important, point is that, while the British volume of t
1 2