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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
the fundamental law, recognized in all statutes, federal and State, enforced by courts, accepted and acted on by the people. To say that these conditions will be perilled by trusting them to the party which opposed their original establishment, is to contradict the philosophy of history; and if acted upon would in every free government keep the administration of its affairs always in the hands of one single party. There has not been a single great measure in the constitutional history of England, not a single great reform, which after its establishment by one party was not in the course of time, and a very short period, placed in the hands of the party originally opposed to it. Repeated instances might be given; indeed, no instance to the contrary can be found. The repeal of the corn laws, the great measures for law reform, the more recent measures of parliamentary reform which brought England to the verge of revolution and came near sweeping from the English constitution the Hous
Putnam (Georgia, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
Lamar, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus 1825-1893 Jurist; born in Putnam county, Ga., Sept. 1, 1825; graduated at Emory College in 1845; and was admitted to the bar in Macon. In 1847 he went to Oxford, Miss., where he began practice. Later, he was made Professor of Mathematics in the State University, and also became an editorial writer on the Southern review. After a short service in these posts, he returned to Georgia, and in 1853-55 was a member of the legislature. He then returned to Mississippi, where, in 1857 and 1859, he was elected to Congress. He resigned his seat in 1860, and was elected a delegate to the Mississippi secession convention. In 1861 he joined the Confederate army; in 1863-64 was a representative of the Confederacy in Europe, where he procured financial aid, but was unsuccessful in securing the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. After the war he became Professor, first of Political Economy and Social Science, in the Mississippi State University, and a
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
e such in the twinkling of an eye, was of itself sufficient to shock and shatter the political order of any community on earth. Mr. Chairman, but a short time since when it was proposed to admit the distant and sparsely settled Territory of New Mexico into our federal community of States, the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar], who addressed the House to-day so impressively and so earnestly, objected strenuously to the measure upon the ground that that feeble population ofg with each other as to which should go furthest in preventing this admixture of the Mongolian race with ours. To illustrate the disturbing force of this measure, let us suppose that in the six New England States and the States of New York and New Jersey, whose population corresponds most nearly to that of our Southern States, in one night 4,000,000 of unaccustomed, incongruous population, such as Mexicans and Chinese, should be incorporated into the political system of those commonwealths, and
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
ctions to clothing the people with the rights of citizenship and suffrage. Says he: The right to vote carries with it the right to hold office. You cannot say that the negro has a natural right to vote, but that he must vote for white men for office. Then, after demonstrating that point, he makes this conclusion: If you enfranchise all the negroes in these States, you will have at least twenty negro votes to one white vote, and in the work of reconstructing the States of South Carolina, Alabama, and Florida you will have a larger proportion—per- haps thirty colored votes to one white. Now, I ask you what is to be the effect of that? The first effect will be, you will have colored State governments. After going into a long argument to prove this fact, he reaches this conclusion: They will have colored governors and colored members of Congress and Senators, and judges of the Supreme Court, etc. Very well; and suppose they do send colored Senators and Represen
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
thing the people with the rights of citizenship and suffrage. Says he: The right to vote carries with it the right to hold office. You cannot say that the negro has a natural right to vote, but that he must vote for white men for office. Then, after demonstrating that point, he makes this conclusion: If you enfranchise all the negroes in these States, you will have at least twenty negro votes to one white vote, and in the work of reconstructing the States of South Carolina, Alabama, and Florida you will have a larger proportion—per- haps thirty colored votes to one white. Now, I ask you what is to be the effect of that? The first effect will be, you will have colored State governments. After going into a long argument to prove this fact, he reaches this conclusion: They will have colored governors and colored members of Congress and Senators, and judges of the Supreme Court, etc. Very well; and suppose they do send colored Senators and Representatives to C
Florida (Florida, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
ple with the rights of citizenship and suffrage. Says he: The right to vote carries with it the right to hold office. You cannot say that the negro has a natural right to vote, but that he must vote for white men for office. Then, after demonstrating that point, he makes this conclusion: If you enfranchise all the negroes in these States, you will have at least twenty negro votes to one white vote, and in the work of reconstructing the States of South Carolina, Alabama, and Florida you will have a larger proportion—per- haps thirty colored votes to one white. Now, I ask you what is to be the effect of that? The first effect will be, you will have colored State governments. After going into a long argument to prove this fact, he reaches this conclusion: They will have colored governors and colored members of Congress and Senators, and judges of the Supreme Court, etc. Very well; and suppose they do send colored Senators and Representatives to Congress, I ha
Macon (Georgia, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
Lamar, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus 1825-1893 Jurist; born in Putnam county, Ga., Sept. 1, 1825; graduated at Emory College in 1845; and was admitted to the bar in Macon. In 1847 he went to Oxford, Miss., where he began practice. Later, he was made Professor of Mathematics in the State University, and also became an editorial writer on the Southern review. After a short service in these posts, he returned to Georgia, and in 1853-55 was a member of the legislature. He then returned to Mississippi, where, in 1857 and 1859, he was elected to Congress. He resigned his seat in 1860, and was elected a delegate to the Mississippi secession convention. In 1861 he joined the Confederate army; in 1863-64 was a representative of the Confederacy in Europe, where he procured financial aid, but was unsuccessful in securing the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. After the war he became Professor, first of Political Economy and Social Science, in the Mississippi State University, and
China (China) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
ise the privileges of citizenship, and should not therefore be admitted into the community of American States. . . . Sir, but the other day a distinguished Senator from the coast made a most striking protest against the further immigration of Chinese into the community there, and still more recently both parties seemed to be vying with each other as to which should go furthest in preventing this admixture of the Mongolian race with ours. To illustrate the disturbing force of this measure, ls suppose that in the six New England States and the States of New York and New Jersey, whose population corresponds most nearly to that of our Southern States, in one night 4,000,000 of unaccustomed, incongruous population, such as Mexicans and Chinese, should be incorporated into the political system of those commonwealths, and by some paramount power outside of those States should be so compacted together as to gain control of all the departments of their government, of all the offices, all
Oxford (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
Lamar, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus 1825-1893 Jurist; born in Putnam county, Ga., Sept. 1, 1825; graduated at Emory College in 1845; and was admitted to the bar in Macon. In 1847 he went to Oxford, Miss., where he began practice. Later, he was made Professor of Mathematics in the State University, and also became an editorial writer on the Southern review. After a short service in these posts, he returned to Georgia, and in 1853-55 was a member of the legislature. He then returned to Mississippi, where, in 1857 and 1859, he was elected to Congress. He resigned his seat in 1860, and was elected a delegate to the Mississippi secession convention. In 1861 he joined the Confederate army; in 1863-64 was a representative of the Confederacy in Europe, where he procured financial aid, but was unsuccessful in securing the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. After the war he became Professor, first of Political Economy and Social Science, in the Mississippi State University, and
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): entry lamar-lucius-quintus-cincinnatus
n, which has been the subject of much denunciation of the South and the occasion and excuse for the oppressive and humiliating methods which have been applied to her people— I say, in that year Mr. O. P. Morton in a message to the legislature of Indiana used the following language: It is a fact so manifest that it should not be called in question by any, that a people who are just emerging from the barbarism of slavery are not qualified to become a part of our political system and take pa involves no intellectual or moral qualifications, and that there is no difference between an American freeman and an American slave which may not be removed by a mere act of Congress. . . . Now, sir, in a speech which this gentleman made in Indiana before these people became invested with any political rights, here is his language: I believe that, in the case of 4,000,000 slaves just freed from bondage, there should be a period of probation and preparation before they are brought to
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