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Paris (France) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
ith me a year or two ago, said: In our northern counties they are your friends. A man owns one slave or two slaves, and he eats with them, and sleeps in the same room (they have but one), much as a hired man here eats with the farmer he serves. There is no difference. They are too poor to send their sons north for education. They have no newspapers, and they know nothing but what they are told by us. If you could get at them, they would be on your side, but we mean you never shall. In Paris there are 100,000 men whom caricature or epigram can at any time raise to barricade the streets. Whose fault is it that such men exist? The government's; and the government under which such a mass of ignorance exists deserves to be barricaded. The government under which 8,000,000 of people exist, so ignorant that 2,000 politicians and 100,000 aristocrats can pervert them into rebellion, deserves to be rebelled against. In the service of those men I mean, for one, to try to fulfil the pl
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
I think so. Leaving out of view the war with England, which I do not expect, there are but three pd. This is no epoch for nations to blush at. England might blush in 1620, when Englishmen trembledion, which lasted from 1660 to 1760, and kept England a secondrate power almost all that century. doubts now that should the South emancipate, England would make haste to recognize and help her. I strength of our government, when, instead of England's impressment and pinched levies, patriotism ion even of a slave-holding empire. War with England insures disunion. When England declares war,England declares war, she gives slavery a fresh lease of fifty years. Even if we had no war with England, let another eiEngland, let another eight or ten months be as little successful as the last, and Europe will acknowledge the Southern Con we stand. On the other side of the ocean is England, holding out, not I think a threat of war—I d her assistance and protection. There stands England, the most selfish and treacherous of modern g[6 more...]
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
that banner they had so long prayed to see. And if that was the result when nothing but General Sherman's equivocal proclamation was landed on the Carolinas, what should we have seen if there had been 18,000 veterans with Fremont, the statesman-soldier of this war, at their head, and over them the stars and stripes, gorgeous with the motto, Freedom for all, freedom forever! If that had gone before them, in my opinion they would have marched across the Carolinas and joined Brownlow in east Tennessee. The bulwark on each side of them would have been 100,000 grateful blacks; they would have cut this rebellion in halves, and while our fleets fired salutes across New Orleans, Beauregard would have been ground to powder between the upper millstone of McClellan and the lower of a quarter-million of blacks rising to greet the stars and stripes. McClellan may drill a better army —more perfect soldiers. He will never marshal a stronger force than those grateful thousands. . . . When Co
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
n lancets are needed somebody may know how to use them, and save life. One great merit of democratic institutions is, that, resting as they must on educated masses, the government may safely be trusted in a great emergency, with despotic power, without fear of harm or of wrecking the State. No other form of government can venture such confidence without risk of national ruin. Doubtless the war power is a very grave power; so are some ordinary peace powers. I will not cite extreme cases—Louisiana and Texas. We obtained the first by treaty, the second by joint resolutions; each case an exercise of power as grave and despotic as the abolition of slavery would be, and unlike that, plainly unconstitutional—one which nothing but stern necessity and subsequent acquiescence by the nation could make valid. Let me remind you that seventy years' practice has incorporated it as a principle in our constitutional law, that what the necessity of the hour demands, and the continued assent of t
America (Illinois, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
nce, or that of aristocrat and republicans in 1790, or of Cromwell and the Irish, when victory meant extermination. Such is our war. I look upon it as the commencement of the great struggle between the disgusted aristocracy and the democracy of America. You are to say to-day whether it shall last ten years or seventy, as it usually has done. It resembles closely that struggle between aristocrat and democrat which began in France in 1789, and continues still. While it lasts it will have the ates. In the darkest hour he never doubted the Omnipotence of conscience and the moral sentiment. And then look at the unquailing courage with which he faced the successive obstacles that confronted him! Modest, believing at the outset that America could not be as corrupt as she seemed, he waits at the door of the churches, importunes leading clergymen, begs for a voice from the sanctuary, a consecrated protest from the pulpit. To his utter amazement, he learns, by thus probing it, that
France (France) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
ling each other's throat, every soldier in each camp certain that he is fighting for an idea which holds the salvation of the world—every drop of his blood in earnest. Such a war finds no parallel nearer than that of the Catholic and Huguenot of France, or that of aristocrat and republicans in 1790, or of Cromwell and the Irish, when victory meant extermination. Such is our war. I look upon it as the commencement of the great struggle between the disgusted aristocracy and the democracy of America. You are to say to-day whether it shall last ten years or seventy, as it usually has done. It resembles closely that struggle between aristocrat and democrat which began in France in 1789, and continues still. While it lasts it will have the same effect on the nation as that war between blind loyalty, represented by the Stuart family, and the free spirit of the English constitution, which lasted from 1660 to 1760, and kept England a secondrate power almost all that century. Such is the
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
hern institutions you please—it is not enough. South Carolina said to Massachusetts in 1835, when Edward Everis, it is not possible to preserve the quiet of South Carolina consistently with free speech; but you know ther honor think of going? So free speech says of South Carolina today. Now I say you may pledge, compromise, g be in submission to such rules as the quiet of South Carolina requires. That is the meaning of the oftrepeat you see the government announcing a policy in South Carolina. What is it? Well, Mr. Secretary Cameron sayso greater interference with the institutions of South Carolina than is necessary, than the war will cure. Doeions. I acknowledge the right of revolution in South Carolina, but at the same time I acknowledge that right the sunlight of God's equality. I claim it of South Carolina. By virtue of that pledge she took Boston and n her part even of that infamous pledge. Until South Carolina allows me all the influence that 19,000,000 of
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
lag lowered at Sumter; after Baker, and Lyon, and Ellsworth, and Winthrop, and Putnam, and Wesselhoeft have given their lives to quell the rebellion; after our Massachusetts boys, hurrying through ploughed fields and workshops to save the capital, have been foully murdered on the pavements of Baltimore—I cannot believe in a North swhen Englishmen trembled at a fool's frown, and were silent when James forbade them to think; but not in 1649, when an outraged people cut off his son's head. Massachusetts might have blushed a year or two ago, when an insolent Virginian, standing on Bunker Hill, insulted the Commonwealth, and then dragged her citizens to Washingth of the antagonistic principle. You may pledge whatever submission and patience of Southern institutions you please—it is not enough. South Carolina said to Massachusetts in 1835, when Edward Everett was governor, Abolish free speech—it is a nuisance. She is right—from her stand-point it is. That is, it is not possible to pres
California (California, United States) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
upon us—abolished slavery, won European sympathy, and established his Confederacy? Bankrupt in character—outwitted in statesmanship. Our record would be, as we entered the sisterhood of nations— Longed and struggled and begged to be admitted into the partnership of tyrants, and they were kicked out! And the South would spring into the same arena, bearing on her brow— She flung away what she thought gainful and honest, in order to gain her independence! A record better than the gold of California or all the brains of the Yankee. Righteousness is preservation. You who are not abolitionists do not come to this question as I did—from an interest in these 4,000,000 of black men. I came on this platform from sympathy with the negro. I acknowledge it. You come to this question from an idolatrous regard for the Constitution of ‘89. But here we stand. On the other side of the ocean is England, holding out, not I think a threat of war—I do not fear it—but holding out to the
Austria (Austria) (search for this): entry phillips-wendell
all and Toombs in every cross-road bar-room at the South. For, you see, never till now did anybody but a few abolitionists believe that this nation could be marshalled, one section against the other, in arms. But the secret is out. The weak point is discovered, Why does the London press lecture us like a school-master his seven-year-old boy? Why does England use a tone such as she has not used for half a century to any power? Because she knows us as she knows Mexico, as all Europe knows Austria—that we have the cancer concealed in our very vitals. Slavery, left where it is, after having created such a war as this, would leave our commerce and all our foreign relations at the mercy of any Keitt, Wigfall, Wise, or Toombs. Any demagogue has only to stir up a pro-slavery crusade, point back to the safe experiments of 1861; and lash the passions of the aristocrat, to cover the sea with privateers, put in jeopardy the trade of twenty States, plunge the country into millions of debt,
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