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James Chestnut (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
desire of the South, drove him to the front, until he became in a sense a candidate for the Presidency of the rebellious States, and ultimately the Vice-President under Jefferson Davis. How he secured that office, and how Mr. Davis was nominated for the Presidency, is best told in his own words, as follows: What I know about Mr. Davis's nomination for President can be told in few words. Robert Toombs and I, as we got upon the cars at Crawfordsville, on our way to Montgomery, met Mr. Chestnut. The latter said that the South Carolina delegation had talked the matover, and looked to Georgia for the President. I remarked that either, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Cobb, Governor Jenkins, or Governor Johnson would suit very well. He answered that they were not looking to any of the others, but to Mr. Toombs and myself. I told them, very frankly, that I did not wish the office; that, as I had not been in the movement, I did not think it policy to put me in for it. After getting to Montgomery,
Horace Greeley (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
re, that Mr. Cobb would be presented by the Georgia delegation, and that Mr. Davis was not their choice. Toombs was the choice of the Florida, the Louisiana, and the South Carolina delegations. In May, 1865, Mr. Stephens was arrested by federal troops at his home in Georgia, and taken to Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor. After his release he wrote a history of the war, and for a time edited a newspaper in Atlanta. He opposed the new departure in the South which favored the election of Horace Greeley to the Presidency, and from the first predicted Grant's triumph. His action in this direction was bitterly denounced by Democrats, North and South; but the result proving the wisdom of his views, he rapidly regained the confidence of the people of his State, and in 1873 was elected from the old 8th District, which he had so faithfully represented before the war, to fill an unexpired term in Congress. He was elected and re-elected until 1882, when he was chosen governor of his State by
Adam (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
against us the civilized world. I care not who or how many they may be; when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth we are obliged and must triumph. Thousands of people who begin to understand these truths are not yet completely out of the shell; they do not see them in their length and breadth. We hear much of the civilization and Christianization of the barbarous tribes of Africa. In my judgment, those ends will never be obtained but by first teaching them the lesson taught to Adam, that in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread, and teaching them to work, and feed, and clothe themselves. But to pass on. Some have propounded the inquiry, whether it is practicable for us to go on with the Confederacy without further accessions. Have we the means and ability to maintain nationality among the powers of the earth? On this point I would barely say, that as anxious as we have all been, and are, for the Border States, with institutions similar with ours, to join us, s
Howell Cobb (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
er Jefferson Davis. How he secured that office, and how Mr. Davis was nominated for the Presidency, is best told in his own words, as follows: What I know about Mr. Davis's nomination for President can be told in few words. Robert Toombs and I, as we got upon the cars at Crawfordsville, on our way to Montgomery, met Mr. Chestnut. The latter said that the South Carolina delegation had talked the matover, and looked to Georgia for the President. I remarked that either, Mr. Toombs, Mr. Cobb, Governor Jenkins, or Governor Johnson would suit very well. He answered that they were not looking to any of the others, but to Mr. Toombs and myself. I told them, very frankly, that I did not wish the office; that, as I had not been in the movement, I did not think it policy to put me in for it. After getting to Montgomery, Mr. Keitt told me that I was the preference of the South Carolina delegation, and asked if I would serve if elected. I told him that I would not say in advance whet
James K. Polk (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
led the government in its every important action from the beginning. The protective policy was once for a time carried against the South, but that was subsequently completely changed. Our policy ultimately prevailed. The South put in power, or joined the united country in putting in power and sustaining, the administrations of Washington for eight years. She put in and sustained Jefferson for eight years; Madison, eight years; Jackson, eight years; Van Buren, four years; Tyler, four years; Polk, four years; Pierce, four years; and Buchanan, four years. That is to say, the Southern people have aided in making and sustaining the administration for sixty years out of the seventy-two years of the government's existence. Does this look like we were or are in an abject minority, at the mercy of a despotic Northern majority, rapacious to rob and plunder us? It is true we are in a minority, and have been a long time. It is true, also, that a party at the North advocate principles which w
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
very as it exists among us—the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the rock upon which the old Union would split. He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. rehension and disquietude do not spring from that source. They do not arise from the fact of the known antislavery opinions of the President-elect. Washington, Jefferson, and other Presidents are generally admitted to have been anti-slavery in sentiment, but in those days anti-slavery did not enter as an element into party organi South put in power, or joined the united country in putting in power and sustaining, the administrations of Washington for eight years. She put in and sustained Jefferson for eight years; Madison, eight years; Jackson, eight years; Van Buren, four years; Tyler, four years; Polk, four years; Pierce, four years; and Buchanan, four y
Patrick Miller (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
war, to fill an unexpired term in Congress. He was elected and re-elected until 1882, when he was chosen governor of his State by a very large majority. It was not ordained that he should live through his term. In Atlanta, the capital of his native and beloved Georgia, at half-past 3 o'clock on the morning of Sunday, March 4, 1883, his wonderful brain, his wonderful will power, could no longer keep life in his wrecked and puny body. He died, according to his faithful physicians, Drs. Miller and Steiner, from a collapse of the mind brought about by constant, unremitting intellectual activity. His last words were, Oh, doctor, you hurt me! His funeral in Atlanta was attended by upward of fifty thousand weeping men and women. All Georgia mourned for him. Several other States, and towns and cities in all parts of the country, did honor to his memory by resolutions and the adjournment of courts and public councils. At the grave of Stephens, Toombs, massive but tottering an
Drs (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
e the war, to fill an unexpired term in Congress. He was elected and re-elected until 1882, when he was chosen governor of his State by a very large majority. It was not ordained that he should live through his term. In Atlanta, the capital of his native and beloved Georgia, at half-past 3 o'clock on the morning of Sunday, March 4, 1883, his wonderful brain, his wonderful will power, could no longer keep life in his wrecked and puny body. He died, according to his faithful physicians, Drs. Miller and Steiner, from a collapse of the mind brought about by constant, unremitting intellectual activity. His last words were, Oh, doctor, you hurt me! His funeral in Atlanta was attended by upward of fifty thousand weeping men and women. All Georgia mourned for him. Several other States, and towns and cities in all parts of the country, did honor to his memory by resolutions and the adjournment of courts and public councils. At the grave of Stephens, Toombs, massive but totte
Kenan (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
t it if it was cordially offered him. Mr. T. Cobb and F. T. Bartow said that the delegations of Florida, Alabama, South Carolina, and Louisiana had conferred, and agreed to support Mr. Davis. Mr. Toombs seemed very incredulous of this, and his manner indicated some surprise. I did not understand this then, but did afterwards. The statement was reiterated; and upon it the delegation forbore to nominate Mr. Toombs, but determined to appoint a committee to ascertain if the report was true. Mr. Kenan then proposed that if it should be correct I should be put forward for Vice-President. Judge Nisbet said, I second that heartily! Mr. Toombs said, I do, too. What do you say, Aleck? I replied that I had not been in the movement, and doubted the policy of my assuming any office. But still there might be reasons why I should—as for the sake of harmony; that if I were to have any, I decidedly preferred the Vice-Presidency to any office in the government, but would not accept it unless it
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): entry stephens-alexander-hamilton
42 he was elected to the State Senate; and from 1843 to 1859 was a Representative in Congress, where he was an able and industrious worker on committees, and fluent in debate. He favored the annexation of Texas; supported Clay for President in 1844; took a leading part in effecting the compromises of 1850; and was an active supporter of the Kansas-Nebraska act. When the old Whig party broke up, he joined the Democrats, and was a firm supporter of Buchanan's administration. He favored Douglas's election to the Presidency, and in various public addresses denounced those who advocated a Alexander Hamilton Stephens. dissolulion of the Union. On this subject he and Robert Toombs, of Georgia, were diametrically opposed, and at public meetings during the autumn and winter of 1860-61 these popular leaders had strong contentions in public, Stephens always setting forth the beneficence and value of the Union, Toombs denouncing it as an oppressor and a hinderance to the progress of Geo
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