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South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
re we alone responsible for its existence. I do not speak of it in the way of apology for ourselves. Still less would I refer to it in the way of crimination or reproach towards others, abroad or at home. But the well-known paragraph on this subject in the original draught of the declaration is quite too notable a reminiscence of the little desk before me to be forgotten on such an occasion as this. That omitted clause—which, as Mr. Jefferson tells us, was struck out in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, not without tenderness, too, as he adds, to some Northern brethren, who, though they had very few slaves themselves, had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others —contained the direct allegation that the King had prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce. That memorable clause, omitted for prudential reasons only, has passed into history, and its truth can never be disputed. It recalls to u
Boston (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
Winthrop, Robert Charles 1809-1894 Statesman; born in Boston, Mass., May 12, 1809, a descendant in the sixth generation from Gov. John Winthrop; graduated at Harvard in 1828; studied law with Daniel Webster; was a member of the Massachusetts legislature, 1836-40, and Robert Charles Winthrop. of Congress. 1841-42, and 1843-50. From 1847 to 1849 he was speaker of the House. He was president of the electoral college of Massachusetts in 1848; and in 1850 was appointed United States SenatoSeveral of his orations were delivered on the invitation of Congress. He died in Boston. Mass., Nov. 16, 1894. Centennial Oration.—The following is Mr. Winthrop's oration on the centennial of the Declaration of Independence, delivered in Boston, Mass., July 4, 1876: Our fathers were no propagandists of republican institutions in the abstract. Their own adoption of a republican form was, at the moment, almost as much a matter of chance as of choice, of necessity as of preference. The
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
onsible for its existence. I do not speak of it in the way of apology for ourselves. Still less would I refer to it in the way of crimination or reproach towards others, abroad or at home. But the well-known paragraph on this subject in the original draught of the declaration is quite too notable a reminiscence of the little desk before me to be forgotten on such an occasion as this. That omitted clause—which, as Mr. Jefferson tells us, was struck out in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, not without tenderness, too, as he adds, to some Northern brethren, who, though they had very few slaves themselves, had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others —contained the direct allegation that the King had prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce. That memorable clause, omitted for prudential reasons only, has passed into history, and its truth can never be disputed. It recalls to us, and recalls
Long Island City (New York, United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
om had stood aghast and confounded for so many generations. Thanks be to God, and to Him be all the praise and the glory, we can read the great words of the Declaration, on this centennial anniversary, without reservation or evasion: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuits of happiness. The legend on that new colossal pharos at Long Island may now indeed be Liberty enlightening the world! We come, then, to-day, fellow-citizens, with hearts full of gratitude to God and man, to pass down our country, and its institutions—not only wholly without scars and blemishes upon their front— not without shadows on the past or clouds of the future—but freed forever from at least one great stain, and firmly rooted in the love and loyalty of a united people—to the generations which are to succeed us. And what shall we say to thos
United States (United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
sachusetts legislature, 1836-40, and Robert Charles Winthrop. of Congress. 1841-42, and 1843-50. From 1847 to 1849 he was speaker of the House. He was president of the electoral college of Massachusetts in 1848; and in 1850 was appointed United States Senator to fill the unexpired term of Daniel Webster. He was president of the Massachusetts Historical Society for thirty years, and was highly esteemed as an orator. His public addresses include those at the laying of the corner-stone of n slavery in so considerable a portion of our country. Never, never, however—it may be safely said—was there a more tremendous, a more dreadful problem submitted to a nation for solution than that which this institution involved for the United States of America. Nor were we alone responsible for its existence. I do not speak of it in the way of apology for ourselves. Still less would I refer to it in the way of crimination or reproach towards others, abroad or at home. But the well-known pa
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): entry winthrop-robert-charles
law with Daniel Webster; was a member of the Massachusetts legislature, 1836-40, and Robert Charles Winthrop. of Congress. 1841-42, and 1843-50. From 1847 to 1849 he was speaker of the House. He was president of the electoral college of Massachusetts in 1848; and in 1850 was appointed United States Senator to fill the unexpired term of Daniel Webster. He was president of the Massachusetts Historical Society for thirty years, and was highly esteemed as an orator. His public addresses inh anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims (1870) : on the Centennial (July 4, 1876), and on the 100th anniversary of the surrender of Cornwallis (1881). Several of his orations were delivered on the invitation of Congress. He died in Boston. Mass., Nov. 16, 1894. Centennial Oration.—The following is Mr. Winthrop's oration on the centennial of the Declaration of Independence, delivered in Boston, Mass., July 4, 1876: Our fathers were no propagandists of republican institutions in th
Winthrop, Robert Charles 1809-1894 Statesman; born in Boston, Mass., May 12, 1809, a descendant in the sixth generation from Gov. John Winthrop; graduated at Harvard in 1828; studied law with Daniel Webster; was a member of the Massachusetts legislature, 1836-40, and Robert Charles Winthrop. of Congress. 1841-42, and 1843-50. From 1847 to 1849 he was speaker of the House. He was president of the electoral college of Massachusetts in 1848; and in 1850 was appointed United States Senator to fill the unexpired term of Daniel Webster. He was president of the Massachusetts Historical Society for thirty years, and was highly esteemed as an orator. His public addresses include those at the laying of the corner-stone of the Washington Monument (1848); on the completion of the monument (1885); on the 250th anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims (1870) : on the Centennial (July 4, 1876), and on the 100th anniversary of the surrender of Cornwallis (1881). Several of his orations
i et conservare non posse! And surely, most surely, I could not fail to invoke them to imitate and emulate the example of virtue and purity and patriotism, which the great founders of our colonies and of our nations had so abundantly left them. But could I stop there? Could I hold out to them, as the results of a long life of observation and experience, nothing but the principles and examples of great men? Who and what are great men? Woe to the country, said Metternich to our own Ticknor, forty years ago, whose condition and institutions no longer produce great men to manage its affairs. The wily Austrian applied his remark to England at that day; but his woe—if it be woe—would have a wider range in our time, and leave hardly any land unreached. Certainly we hear it nowadays, at every turn, that never before has there been so striking a disproportion between supply and demand, as at this moment, the world over, in the commodity of great men. But who, and what, are gr
or at home. But the well-known paragraph on this subject in the original draught of the declaration is quite too notable a reminiscence of the little desk before me to be forgotten on such an occasion as this. That omitted clause—which, as Mr. Jefferson tells us, was struck out in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, not without tenderness, too, as he adds, to some Northern brethren, who, though they had very few slaves themselves, had been pretty considerable carriers of them to othersI could hope, without presumption, that any humble counsels of mind, on this hallowed anniversary, could be remembered beyond the hour of their utterance, and reach the ears of my countrymen in future days; if I could borrow the masterly pen of Jefferson, and produce words which should partake of the immortality of those which he wrote on this little desk; if I could command the matchless tongue of John Adams, when he poured out appeals and arguments which moved men from their seats, and settle
could be remembered beyond the hour of their utterance, and reach the ears of my countrymen in future days; if I could borrow the masterly pen of Jefferson, and produce words which should partake of the immortality of those which he wrote on this little desk; if I could command the matchless tongue of John Adams, when he poured out appeals and arguments which moved men from their seats, and settled the destinies of a nation; if I could catch but a single spark of those electric fires which Franklin wrestled from the skies, and flash down a phrase, a word, a thought, along the magic chords, which stretch across the ocean of the future—what could I, what would I say? I could not omit, certainly, to reiterate the solemn obligations which rest on every citizen of this republic to cherish and enforce the great principles of our colonial and Revolutionary fathers—the principles of liberty and law, one and inseparable—the principles of the Constitution and the Union. I could not omit t<
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