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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). Search the whole document.

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France (France) (search for this): chapter 161
e liabilities of pirates, without acknowledging in them the belligerent rights, which would give them unnecessarily a title to interfere with our commerce, and raise a league of slaveholders to a place among the nations of the world. The recognition of belligerent rights in the South would render the relations of this country to either of the American combatants precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1854. The result is that both President Lincoln and President Davis may issue letters of marque to those who respectively acknowledge their authority. The lawfully commissioned vessels of war o
Russia (Russia) (search for this): chapter 161
an exemption from the liabilities of pirates, without acknowledging in them the belligerent rights, which would give them unnecessarily a title to interfere with our commerce, and raise a league of slaveholders to a place among the nations of the world. The recognition of belligerent rights in the South would render the relations of this country to either of the American combatants precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1854. The result is that both President Lincoln and President Davis may issue letters of marque to those who respectively acknowledge their authority. The lawfully commissio
Manchester (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 161
title him to search for enemy's property, contraband of war, or for men in the land and naval services of the enemy. The English and French merchant ships and those of all neutrals must, therefore, expect to be searched by the armed vessels commissioned by either of the two rival Presidents. If in the course of searching a neutral friend's ship the goods of an enemy are discovered, it is the established law of England that such goods are liable to confiscation. If, therefore, a cargo of Manchester goods belonging to a New York merchant were found on board an English ship by a Southern cruiser, a British court would hold that they ought to be confiscated. But in American courts the result is more doubtful. According to American jurists, the rule of public law, that the property of an enemy is liable to capture on the vessel of a friend, is now declared on the part of the American Government to have no foundation in natural right; and that the usage which undoubtedly exists, rests e
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 161
Doc. 152.-an English view of the civil war in America. The effect of the civil war in America upon European commerce is certainly one of the most important questions which ever engaged public attention. The commercial relations between this country and America are so multifarious, that any disturbance of them must necessarily cause infinite perplexity and great pecuniary loss; but those pas always been considered a matter of discretion. It may be said that where, as in the case of America, half a continent has risen in arms against the other half, and has inaugurated an independent ve been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1 the limitation of the right, has been recognized in its fullest extent by courts of justice in America. And although that right does not entitle a belligerent to search for his subjects or seamen,
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 161
belligerent rights, which would give them unnecessarily a title to interfere with our commerce, and raise a league of slaveholders to a place among the nations of the world. The recognition of belligerent rights in the South would render the relations of this country to either of the American combatants precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1854. The result is that both President Lincoln and President Davis may issue letters of marque to those who respectively acknowledge their authority. The lawfully commissioned vessels of war of either power are entitled to all the privileges usually
London (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 161
o the principles of those decisions which have been pronounced by the Supreme Court at Washington. It is hardly necessary to remark that the only way by which neutral ships can be excluded from the ports either of the North or of the South is by an effective blockade. With regard to the North, such a blockade is at present obviously out of the power of President Davis. With regard to the South, it remains to be seen what number of ships President Lincoln may be able to muster. In the midst of the complications which must arise by the events of either Confederacy adopting principles of law different from those which have hitherto been proclaimed at Washington, it might, perhaps, be advisable to settle the moot points by a temporary convention. This is especially necessary in the case of the Confederate States of the South, because they may decline to be bound by the decisions which have already been pronounced by the Supreme Court of the United States.--London Daily News, May 9.
Preussen (search for this): chapter 161
ern authorities by England; an exemption from the liabilities of pirates, without acknowledging in them the belligerent rights, which would give them unnecessarily a title to interfere with our commerce, and raise a league of slaveholders to a place among the nations of the world. The recognition of belligerent rights in the South would render the relations of this country to either of the American combatants precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1854. The result is that both President Lincoln and President Davis may issue letters of marque to those who respectively acknowledge their autho
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 161
Doc. 152.-an English view of the civil war in America. The effect of the civil war in America upon European commerce is certainly one of the most important questions which ever engaged public attention. The commercial relations between this c be seized. But the Americans have carried this principle a step further; for it seems that the Supreme Court of the United States has twice carried the principle of the immunity of neutral property on board an enemy's ship to the extent of allowin be advisable to settle the moot points by a temporary convention. This is especially necessary in the case of the Confederate States of the South, because they may decline to be bound by the decisions which have already been pronounced by the Supreention. This is especially necessary in the case of the Confederate States of the South, because they may decline to be bound by the decisions which have already been pronounced by the Supreme Court of the United States.--London Daily News, May 9.
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 161
tion to those under President Lincoln, and the position which both of these Confederacies now occupy with relation to Great Britain and the rest of the world. In the first place, it is clear that, in the case of a rebellion in the territories of of its consequences. No power was ever more free to act according to the clear dictates of justice and humanity than Great Britain in relation to this conflict. It is apprehended that in strict law, President Lincoln is still entitled to treat alls precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have beeIf in the course of searching a neutral friend's ship the goods of an enemy are discovered, it is the established law of England that such goods are liable to confiscation. If, therefore, a cargo of Manchester goods belonging to a New York merchant
Europe (search for this): chapter 161
Doc. 152.-an English view of the civil war in America. The effect of the civil war in America upon European commerce is certainly one of the most important questions which ever engaged public attention. The commercial relations between this country and America are so multifarious, that any disturbance of them must necessarily cause infinite perplexity and great pecuniary loss; but those perplexities and losses will be seriously aggravated if the policy, which the British Government intends to pursue, is not defined with as much accuracy as possible. The British Government, as the greatest power at sea, has the deepest interest in adopting a principle of action which, while it secures every advantage to commerce, will not limit the action of the British Navy in the event of a war. Lord Palmerston, therefore, is acting with statesmanlike prudence in declining to bind himself to any course of action without the maturest deliberation. And Mr. Walpole deserves well of his country i
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