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Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 85
ething better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital,
Horace Webster (search for this): chapter 85
Massachusetts. I know that free speech, free toil, school-houses and ballot-boxes are a pyramid on its broadest base. Nothing that does not sunder the solid globe can disturb it. We defy the world to disturb us. (Cheers.) The little errors that dwell upon our surface, we have medicine in our institutions to cure them all. (Applause.) Therefore there is nothing left for a New-England man, nothing but that he shall wipe away the stain that hangs about the toleration of human bondage. As Webster said at Rochester, years and years ago, If I thought that there was a stain upon the remotest hem of the garment of my country, I would devote my utmost labor to wipe it off. (Cheers.) To-day that call is made upon Massachusetts. That is the reason why I dwell so much on the slavery question. I said I believed in the power of the North to conquer; but where does she get it? I do not believe in the power of the North to subdue two million and a half of Southern men, unless she summons ju
on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between diffe
t give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between different ideas, but between barbarism and civilization. Such can only be
Swan Point (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 85
nt Justice, and there is something better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voicesseventy years. The result is as sure as the Throne of God. I believe in the possibility of Justice, in the certainty of Union. Years hence, when the smoke of this conflict clears away, the world will see under our banner all tongues, all creeds, all races--one brotherhood; and on the banks of the Potomac, the Genius of Liberty, robed in light, four and thirty stars for her diadem, broken chains under her feet, and an olive branch in her right hand. (Great applause.)--N. Y. Times, April 28.
Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 85
u into four sections. The first is the ordinary mass, rushing from mere enthusiasm to A battle whose great aim and scope They little care to know, Content like men at arms to cope, Each with his fronting foe. Behind that class stands another, whose only idea in this controversy is sovereignty and the flag. The seaboard, the wealth, the just-converted hunkerism of the country, fill that class. Next to it stands the third element, the people; the cordwainers of Lynn, the farmer of Worcester, the dwellers on the prairie--Iowa and Wisconsin, Ohio and Maine--the broad surface of the people who have no leisure for technicalities, who never studied law, who never had time to read any further into the Constitution than the first two lines--Establish Justice and secure Liberty. They have waited long enough; they have eaten dirt enough; they have apologized for bankrupt statesmen enough; they have quieted their consciences enough; they have split logic with their abolition neighbors
Rochester (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 85
know that free speech, free toil, school-houses and ballot-boxes are a pyramid on its broadest base. Nothing that does not sunder the solid globe can disturb it. We defy the world to disturb us. (Cheers.) The little errors that dwell upon our surface, we have medicine in our institutions to cure them all. (Applause.) Therefore there is nothing left for a New-England man, nothing but that he shall wipe away the stain that hangs about the toleration of human bondage. As Webster said at Rochester, years and years ago, If I thought that there was a stain upon the remotest hem of the garment of my country, I would devote my utmost labor to wipe it off. (Cheers.) To-day that call is made upon Massachusetts. That is the reason why I dwell so much on the slavery question. I said I believed in the power of the North to conquer; but where does she get it? I do not believe in the power of the North to subdue two million and a half of Southern men, unless she summons justice, God, and t
Quincy, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 85
and have no right to break the fetters which they are forging into swords? No; the war power of the Government can sweep this institution into the Gulf. (Cheers.) Ever since 1842, that statesmanlike claim and warning of the North has been on record, spoken by the lips of her most moderate, wisest, coolest, most patriotic son. (Applause.) When the South cannonaded Fort Sumter, the bones of Adams stirred in his coffin. (Cheers.) And you might have heard him, from that granite grave, at Quincy, proclaim to the nation, The hour has struck! Seize the thunderbolt God has forged for you, and annihilate the system which has troubled peace for seventy years (Cheers.) Do not say that it is a cold-blooded suggestion. I hardly ever knew Slavery to go down in any other circumstances. Only once, in the broad sweep of the world's history, was any nation lifted so high that she could stretch her imperial hand across the Atlantic, and lift, by one peaceful word, a million of slaves into Libe
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 85
usetts can finish up. (Cheers.) Blame me not that I make every thing turn on Liberty and the slave. I. believe in Massachusetts. I know that free speech, free toil, school-houses and ballot-boxes are a pyramid on its broadest base. Nothing that does not sunder the solid globe can disturb it. We defy the world to disturb us. (Cheers.) The little errors that dwell upon our surface, we have medicine in our institutions to cure them all. (Applause.) Therefore there is nothing left for a New-England man, nothing but that he shall wipe away the stain that hangs about the toleration of human bondage. As Webster said at Rochester, years and years ago, If I thought that there was a stain upon the remotest hem of the garment of my country, I would devote my utmost labor to wipe it off. (Cheers.) To-day that call is made upon Massachusetts. That is the reason why I dwell so much on the slavery question. I said I believed in the power of the North to conquer; but where does she get it?
Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 85
title to power. War and tumult must conceal the irregularity of their civil course, and smother discontent and criticism at the same time. Besides, bankruptcy at home can live out its short term of possible existence only by conquest on land and piracy at sea. And, further, only by war, by appeal to popular frenzy, can they hope to delude the Border States to join them. War is the breath of their life. To-day, therefore, the question is, by the voice of the South, Shall Washington or Montgomery own the continent? And the North says, From the Gulf to the Pole, the Stars and Stripes shall atone to four millions of negroes whom we have forgotten for seventy years; and before you break the Union, we will see that justice is done to the slave. (Enthusiastic and long continued cheers.) There is only one thing that those cannon shot in the harbor of Charleston settled, and that is, that there never can be a compromise. (Loud applause.) We Abolitionists have doubted whether this Un
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