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James Madison (search for this): chapter 85
gton, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North couldr function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his
Alexander Hamilton (search for this): chapter 85
n, could rob Florida or Louisiana of her right to remodel her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. the people — mark you! South Carolina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North could; the nation could; and the nation responded, If you want a Constitutional Secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms — let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it. (Applause.) Surely, while one claims a right within the Constitu
George H. Grant (search for this): chapter 85
bor of Charleston settled, and that is, that there never can be a compromise. (Loud applause.) We Abolitionists have doubted whether this Union really meant Justice and Liberty. We have doubted the honest intention of nineteen millions of people. They have said, in answer to our criticism,--We believe that the Fathers meant to establish justice. We believe that there are hidden in the armory of the Constitution weapons strong enough to secure it. We are willing yet to try the experiment, Grant us time. We have doubted, derided the pretence, as we supposed. During these long and weary weeks, we have waited to hear the Northern conscience assert its purpose. It comes at last. (An impressive pause.) Massachusetts blood has consecrated the pavements of Baltimore, and those stones are now too sacred to be trodden by slaves. (Loud cheers.) You and I owe it to those young martyrs, you and I owe it, that their blood shall be the seed of no mere empty triumph, but that the negro s
Archibald Dixon (search for this): chapter 85
at they have adopted, and I will recognize the revolution. (Cheers.) But the moment you tread outside of the Constitution, the black man is not three-fifths of a man — he is a whole one. (Loud cheering.) Yes, the South has a right to secede; the South has a right to model her Government; and the moment she will show us four millions of black votes thrown even against it, I will acknowledge the Declaration of Independence is complied with (Loud applause)--that the people, south of Mason and Dixon's line, have remodeled their government to suit themselves: and our function is only to recognize it. I say, the North had a right to assume this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indica
Horace Webster (search for this): chapter 85
Massachusetts. I know that free speech, free toil, school-houses and ballot-boxes are a pyramid on its broadest base. Nothing that does not sunder the solid globe can disturb it. We defy the world to disturb us. (Cheers.) The little errors that dwell upon our surface, we have medicine in our institutions to cure them all. (Applause.) Therefore there is nothing left for a New-England man, nothing but that he shall wipe away the stain that hangs about the toleration of human bondage. As Webster said at Rochester, years and years ago, If I thought that there was a stain upon the remotest hem of the garment of my country, I would devote my utmost labor to wipe it off. (Cheers.) To-day that call is made upon Massachusetts. That is the reason why I dwell so much on the slavery question. I said I believed in the power of the North to conquer; but where does she get it? I do not believe in the power of the North to subdue two million and a half of Southern men, unless she summons ju
mine public affairs, and prepare a community wise to cooperate with the Government, is the duty of every pulpit and every press. Plain words, therefore, now, before the nation goes mad with excitement, is every man's duty. Every public meeting in Athens was opened with a curse on any one who should not speak what he really thought. I have never defiled my conscience from fear or favor to my superiors, was part of the oath every Egyptian soul was supposed to utter in the Judgment Hall of Osiris, before admission to Heaven. Let us show to-day, a Christian spirit as sincere and fearless. No mobs in this hour of victory, to silence those whom events have not converted. We are strong enough to tolerate dissent. That flag which floats over press or mansion at the bidding of a mob, disgraces both victor and victim. All winter long I have acted with that party which cried for peace. The anti-slavery enterprise to which I belong, started with peace written on its banner. We imagin
Louis.Occupy St. Louis (search for this): chapter 85
er-bolts of His throne abase the proud, lift up the lowly, and execute justice between man and man. Now, let we turn one moment to another consideration. What should the Government do? I said thorough should be its maxim. When we fight, we are fighting for Justice and an Idea. A short war and a rigid one, is the maxim. Ten thousand men in Washington! it is only a bloody fight. Five hundred thousand men in Washington, and none dare come there but from the North. (Loud cheers.) Occupy St. Louis, with the millions of the West, and say to Missouri, You cannot go out! (Applause.) Cover Maryland with a million of the friends of the Administration, and say, We must have our Capital within reach. (Cheers.) If you need compensation for slaves taken from you in the convulsion of battle, here it is. (Cheers.) Government is engaged in the fearful struggle to show that ‘89 meant Justice, and there is something better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember anot
as become the Thermopylae of Liberty and Justice. [Applause.] Rather than surrender it, cover every square foot of it with a living body, [loud cheers;] crowd it with a million of men, and empty every bank vault at the North to pay the cost. [Renewed cheering.] Teach the world once for all, that North America belongs to the Stars and Stripes, and under them no man shall wear a chain. [Enthusiastic cheering. In the whole of this conflict, I have looked only at Liberty — only at the slave. Perry entered the battle of the Lakes with don't give up the ship, floating from the masthead of the Lawrence. When with his fighting flag he left her crippled, heading north, and mounting the deck of the Niagara, turned her bows due west, he did all for one purpose to rake the decks of the foe. Acknowledge secession, or cannonade it, I care not which; but proclaim Liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof. [Loud cheers.] I said, civil war needs momentous and solemn jus
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 85
Doc. 81.--discourse of Wendell Phillips. Therefore, thus saith the Lord: Ye have not hearkened unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor; behold, I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine.--Jer. XXXIV. 17. Many times this winter, here and elsewhere, I have counselled peace — urged, as well as I knew how, the expediency of acknowledging a Southern Confederacy, and the peaceful separation of these thirty-four States. One of the journals announces to you that I come here this morning to retract these opinions. No, not one of them [Applause.] I need them all — every word I have spoken this winter — every act of twenty-five years of my life, to make the welcome I give this war hearty and hot. Civil war is a momentous evil. It needs the soundest, most solemn justification. I rejoice before God to-day for every word that I have spoken counselling peace; and I rejoice with an espe<
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 85
ething better than life in such an hour as this. And, again, we must remember another thing — the complication of such a struggle as this. Bear with me a moment. We put five hundred thousand men on the banks of the Potomac. Virginia is held by two races, white and black. Suppose those black men flare in our faces the Declaration of Independence. What are we to say? Are we to send Northern bayonets to keep slaves under the feet of Jefferson Davis? (Many voices--No, never. ) In 1842, Gov. Wise, of Virginia, the symbol of the South, entered into argument with Quincy Adams, who carried Plymouth Rock to Washington. (Applause.) It was when Joshua Giddings offered his resolution stating his Constitutional doctrine that Congress had no right to interfere, in any event, in any way, with the Slavery of the Southern States. Plymouth Rock refused to vote for it. Mr, Adams said (substantially,) If foreign war comes, if civil war comes, if insurrection comes, is this beleaguered capital,
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