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of the masses, on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle
on the honesty and wisdom of statesmen as a class. Perhaps we did not give weight enough to the fact we saw, that this nation is made up of different ages; not homogeneous, but a mixed mass of different centuries. The North thinks — can appreciate argument — it is the Nineteenth Century — hardly any struggle left in it but that between the working class and the money kings. The South dreams — it is the thirteenth and fourteenth century — baron and serf — noble and slave. Jack Cade and Wat Tyler loom over the horizon, and the serf rising calls for another Thierry to record his struggle. There the fagot still burns which the Doctors of the Sorbonne called, ages ago, the best light to guide the erring. There men are tortured for opinions, the only punishment the Jesuits were willing their pupils should look on. This is, perhaps, too flattering a picture of the South. Better call her, as Sumner does, the Barbarous States. Our struggle, therefore, is no struggle between diffe
he scaffold of Charles the First, when they entered on the struggle; but having begun, they made thorough work. (Cheers.) It is an attribute of the Yankee blood — Slow to fight, and fight once. (Renewed cheers.) It was a holy war, that for Independence: this is a holier and the last — that for Liberty. (Loud applause.) I hear a great deal about Constitutional Liberty. The mouths of the Concord and Lexington guns have room for only one word, and that is liberty. You might as well ask Niagara to chant the Chicago Platform, as to ask how far war shall go. War and Niagara thunder to a music of their own. God alone can launch the lightning, that they may go and say, Here we are. The thunder-bolts of His throne abase the proud, lift up the lowly, and execute justice between man and man. Now, let we turn one moment to another consideration. What should the Government do? I said thorough should be its maxim. When we fight, we are fighting for Justice and an Idea. A short war an
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 85
do. I have always believed in the sincerity of Abraham Lincoln. You have heard me express my confidence in itother. The South opened this with cannon shot, and Lincoln shows himself at the door. [Prolonged and enthusia stores of the North to be stolen with impunity. Mr. Lincoln took office robbed of all the means to defend theinch towards acknowledging secession; that when Abraham Lincoln swore to support the Constitution and laws of tn of the United States--it is an absurdity; and Abraham Lincoln knows nothing, has a right to know nothing, but I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes bes and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Caroli she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the bunting cover Fort Sumter. They said Amen, when Lincoln stood alone, without arms, in a defenceless Capital
ung martyrs, you and I owe it, that their blood shall be the seed of no mere empty triumph, but that the negro shall teach his children to bless them for centuries to come. (Applause.) When Massachusetts goes down to that Carolina fort to put the Stars and Stripes again over its blackened walls, (enthusiasm,) she will sweep from its neighborhood every institution that hazards their ever bowing again to the Palmetto. (Loud cheers.) All of you may not mean it now. Our fathers did not think in 1775 of the Declaration of Independence. The Long Parliament never thought of the scaffold of Charles the First, when they entered on the struggle; but having begun, they made thorough work. (Cheers.) It is an attribute of the Yankee blood — Slow to fight, and fight once. (Renewed cheers.) It was a holy war, that for Independence: this is a holier and the last — that for Liberty. (Loud applause.) I hear a great deal about Constitutional Liberty. The mouths of the Concord and Lexington guns
e this position. She did not. She had a right to ignore revolution until this condition was complied with; and she did not. She waived it. In obedience to the advice of Madison, to the long history of her country's forbearance, to the magnanimity of nineteen States, she waited; she advised the Government to wait. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, indicated that this would be the wise course. Mr. Seward hinted it in his speech, in New York. The London Times bade us remember the useless war of 1776, and take warning against resisting the principles of Popular Sovereignty. The Tribune, whose unflinching fidelity and matchless ability, make it, in this tight, the white plume of Navarre, has again and again avowed its readiness to waive forms and go into convention. We have waited. We said, any thing for peace. We obeyed the magnanimous statesmanship of John Quincy Adams. Let me read you his advice, given at the Jubilee of the Constitution, to the New York Historical Society, in the y
fate hung trembling in the balance, and he wished to gather around him the sympathies of the liberals of Europe, he no sooner set foot in the Tuileries than he signed the edict abolishing the slave trade against which the Abolitionists of England and France had protested for many years in vain. And the trade went down, because Napoleon felt that he must do something to gild the darkening hour of his second attempt to clutch the sceptre of France. How did the slave system go down? When, in 1848, the Provisional Government found itself in the Hotel de Ville, obliged to do something to draw to itself the sympathy and liberal feeling of the French nation, they signed an edict — it was the first from the rising republic — abolishing the death penalty and Slavery. The storm which rocked the vessel of State almost to foundering, snapped forever the chain of the French slave. Look, too, at the history of Mexican and South American emancipation; you will find that it was, in every instanc
vereignty defied and broken in pieces, and yet waiting with patient, brotherly, magnanimous kindness, until insurrection, having spent its fury, should reach out its hand for a peaceful arrangement. Men began to call it cowardice, on the one hand; and we, who watched closely the crisis, feared that this effort to be magnanimous would demoralize the conscience and the courage of the North. We were afraid that, as the hour went by, the virtue of the people, white-heat as it stood on the 4th day of March, would be cooled by the temptations, by the suspense, by the want and suffering, that were stalking from the Atlantic to the Valley of the Mississippi. We were afraid the Government would wait too long, and find, at last, that instead of a united people, they ere deserted, and left alone to meet the foe. At this time, the South knew, recognized, by her own knowledge of constitutional questions, that the Government could not advance one inch towards acknowledging secession; that when
April 19th (search for this): chapter 85
people of these States have too large brains and too many ideas to fight blindly — to lock horns like a couple of beasts, in the sight of the world. (Applause.) Cannon think in this Nineteenth Century; and you must put the North in the right — wholly, undeniably, inside of the Constitution and out of it — before you can justify her in the face of the world; before you can pour Massachusetts like an avalanche through the streets of Baltimore, (great cheering,) and carry Lexington and the 19th of April south of Mason and Dixon's Line. (Renewed cheering.) Let us take an honest pride in the fact that our Sixth Regiment made a way for itself through Baltimore, and were the first to reach the threatened capital. In the war of opinions, Massachusetts has a right to be the first in the field. I said I knew the whole argument for secession. Very briefly let me state the points. No Government provides for its own death; therefore there can be no constitutional right to secede. But ther<
of her right to remodel her Government whenever the people found it would be for their happiness. So far, right. the people — mark you! South Carolina presents herself to the Administration at Washington, and says, There is a vote of my Convention, that I go out of the Union. I cannot see you, says Abraham Lincoln. (Loud cheers.) As President, I have no eyes but. constitutional eyes; I cannot see you. (Renewed cheers.) He was right. But Madison said, Hamilton said, the Fathers said, in 1789, No man but an enemy of liberty will ever stand on technicalities and forms, when the essence is in question. Abraham Lincoln could not see the Commissioners of South Carolina,: but the North could; the nation could; and the nation responded, If you want a Constitutional Secession, such as you claim, but which I repudiate, I will waive forms — let us meet in convention, and we will arrange it. (Applause.) Surely, while one claims a right within the Constitution, it may without dishonor or i
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