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sure in saying, said Horace White, in a letter written from Chicago, that in my opinion your recent effort ranks with Demosthenes on the Crown, and with Burke on Warren Hastings. Your speech, wrote A. A. Sargent (now senator from California) to Mr. Sumner, stirred my heart with feelings of pride for the representative of my native State. It was greatly feared by the friends of Mr. Sumner that personal violence would again be offered him; and, indeed, the attempt was made. On the eighth day of June, a stranger called on him in the evening, stating that he had come to hold him responsible for his speech, when Mr. Sumner directed him to leave the room. He departed after some delay, with the menace that he and his three friends from Virginia would call again. Mr. Sumner sent immediately for Mr. Wilson; and in the course of the evening three men came to the door, desiring. to see Mr. Sumner alone; but, as he was in company, they left word at the door, that, if they could not have
and among others G. B. Weston thus wrote to him from Duxbury, Mass., I am ready to shoulder my musket, and march to the Capitol, and there sacrifice my life in defence of free speech and the right. By the foresight of A. B. Johnson, Mr. Sumner's private secretary, a body-guard armed with revolvers was arranged, which attended him, without his knowledge, to and from the Senate-chamber. Prompt to sustain him in his heroic defence of truth, the legislature of Massachusetts passed on the 20th of June these resolutions-- Resolved, That the thanks of the people of this Commonwealth are due, and are hereby tendered, to the Hon. Charles Sumner for his recent manly and earnest assertion of the right of free discussion on the floor of the United-States Senate; and we repeat the well-considered words of our predecessors in these seats, in approval of Mr. Sumner's manliness and courage in his fearless declaration of free principles, and his defence of human rights and free instititutions.
y the genial beams of freedom? The aim of the progressive party was the dethronement of the slave-power in the national government, and the repression of that power to within the limits of the sovereignty of the States. Mr. Sumner clearly saw and felt the magnitude of the question now at issue between the parties, and with all the power of his commanding eloquence threw himself into the exciting contest. In a splen-did speech before an immense audience at Cooper Institute, on the eleventh day of July, he said that by the election of Abraham Lincoln we shall put the national government right, at least in its executive department; we shall save the Territories from the five-headed barbarism of slavery; we shall save the country and the age from that crying infamy, the slave-trade; we shall save the constitution, at least within the executive influence, from outrage and perversion; we shall help save the Declaration of Independence, now dishonored and disowned in its essential, life-
August 29th (search for this): chapter 14
e States. In conclusion he said, Others may dwell on the past as secure; but, to my mind, under the laws of a beneficent God the future also is secure, on the single condition that we press forward in the work with heart and soul, forgetting self, turning from all temptations of the hour, and, intent only on the cause, With mean complacence ne'er betray our trust, Nor be so civil as to prove unjust. In a strong speech at the State Convention of the Republican party at Worcester, Aug. 29, he laid open the fallacy of the double-headed doctrine of popular sovereignty proposed by Mr. Douglas, who was ready to vote slavery up, or vote it down. So in open-air meetings at Myrick's Station, Sept. 18, and at Framingham, Oct. 11, he made an admirable vindication of the policy of the Republican party. At the latter place he said,-- Freedom, which is the breath of God, is a great leveller; but it raises where it levels. Slavery, which is the breath of Satan, is also a great leve
September 18th (search for this): chapter 14
he work with heart and soul, forgetting self, turning from all temptations of the hour, and, intent only on the cause, With mean complacence ne'er betray our trust, Nor be so civil as to prove unjust. In a strong speech at the State Convention of the Republican party at Worcester, Aug. 29, he laid open the fallacy of the double-headed doctrine of popular sovereignty proposed by Mr. Douglas, who was ready to vote slavery up, or vote it down. So in open-air meetings at Myrick's Station, Sept. 18, and at Framingham, Oct. 11, he made an admirable vindication of the policy of the Republican party. At the latter place he said,-- Freedom, which is the breath of God, is a great leveller; but it raises where it levels. Slavery, which is the breath of Satan, is also a great leveller; but it degrades every thing, carrying with it master as well as slave. Choose ye between them; and remember that your first duty is to stand up straight, and not bend before absurd threats, whether utter
October 11th (search for this): chapter 14
forgetting self, turning from all temptations of the hour, and, intent only on the cause, With mean complacence ne'er betray our trust, Nor be so civil as to prove unjust. In a strong speech at the State Convention of the Republican party at Worcester, Aug. 29, he laid open the fallacy of the double-headed doctrine of popular sovereignty proposed by Mr. Douglas, who was ready to vote slavery up, or vote it down. So in open-air meetings at Myrick's Station, Sept. 18, and at Framingham, Oct. 11, he made an admirable vindication of the policy of the Republican party. At the latter place he said,-- Freedom, which is the breath of God, is a great leveller; but it raises where it levels. Slavery, which is the breath of Satan, is also a great leveller; but it degrades every thing, carrying with it master as well as slave. Choose ye between them; and remember that your first duty is to stand up straight, and not bend before absurd threats, whether uttered at the South or repeated
November 5th (search for this): chapter 14
avery, which is the breath of Satan, is also a great leveller; but it degrades every thing, carrying with it master as well as slave. Choose ye between them; and remember that your first duty is to stand up straight, and not bend before absurd threats, whether uttered at the South or repeated here in Massachusetts. Let people cry Disunion! We know what the cry means; and we answer back, The Union shall be preserved, and made more precious by its consecration to freedom. On the evening (Nov. 5), before the grand triumph of the Republican party in the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said with rapturous emotion, in old Faneuil Hall, To-morrow we shall have not only a new president, but a new government. A new order of things will begin; and our history will proceed on a grander scale, in harmony with those sublime principles in which it commenced. Let the knell sound! Ring out the old, ring in the new! Ring out the false, ring in the true! Ring out a slowly-dying cause, And ancient f
Titanic force he stood forth, mailed in the armor of truth, as the best representative of the spirit of a free people, and as the strongest champion living of the inalienable rights of the colored race. The rising of Mr. Sumner in that seat where he had four years previously been stricken down by the hand of violence, to pronounce again, in front of a vindictive power, the doom of slavery, was a spectacle of moral grandeur such as when the dauntless Mirabeau at the point of bayonet rose, in 1789, to vindicate the Third-Estate in the presence of the French Assembly. In allusion to the solemnity of the occasion, and the death of Mr. Butler and of Mr. Brooks, he said:-- Mr. President,--Undertaking now, after a silence of more than four years, to address the Senate on this important subject, I should suppress the emotions natural to such an occasion, if I did not declare on the threshold my gratitude to that supreme Being through whose benign care I am enabled, after much suffering a
January 1st, 1831 AD (search for this): chapter 14
to fill a conspicuous place in the history of freedom,--William Lloyd Garrison. Born in Massachusetts, bred to the same profession with Benjamin Franklin, and like his great predecessor becoming an editor, he saw with instinctive clearness the wrong of slavery; and, at a period when the ardors of the Missouri Question had given way to indifference throughout the North, he stepped forward to denounce it. The jail at Baltimore, where he then resided, was his earliest reward. Afterwards, January 1, 1831, he published the first number of The Liberator, inscribing for his motto an utterance of Christian philanthropy, My country is the world: my countrymen are all mankind, and declaring, in the face of surrounding apathy, I am in earnest. I will not equivocate; I will not retreat a single inch: and I will be heard. In this sublime spirit he commenced his labors for the slave, proposing no intervention by Congress in the States, and on well-considered principle avoiding all appeals to th
st Kansas. Exordium. Analysis of the speech. slave Masters. freedom of speech. William Lloyd Garrison. by Nature every man is Free. property in man not recognized by the constitution. closing words. remarks of Mr. Chestnut. Mr. Sumner's reply. Reception of his speech by the public press. the opinion of S. P. Chase. of Carl Schurz. of N. Hall. personal violence attempted. a body-guard.- resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature. nomination of the Presidential Candidates, 1860. Mr. Sumner's speeches at Cooper Institute, Worcester, and other Places. No skill had he with veering winds to veer; By trampling on the good, himself to rise; To run for any port, indifferent where, So tongue and conscience make fair merchandise. W. W. Newell. Spiriti piu nobili del sue, io non ne avea mai conosciuti, pari al suo, pochi. Le Mie Prigione di Silvio Pellico. Such earnest natures are the fiery pith, The compact nucleus, round which systems grow; Mass after mass becomes
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