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January 10th (search for this): chapter 9
le system, the freedom of the slave from shore to shore. Few now can fully understand the ordeal of fire then opening before him. With the exception of the dauntless John P. Hale and the indomitable Joshua R. Giddings, he stood almost alone in front of the gigantic force combined for the support of slavery; and, as the latter said, it took more courage to stand up in one's seat in Congress and say the right thing, than to walk up to the cannon's mouth. This courage Mr. Sumner had. On Wednesday, Jan. 10, he delivered his maiden speech on a resolution introduced by Senator H. S. Foote, tendering a welcome to the exiled patriot, Gov. Louis Kossuth, during which he used the celebrated expression, equality before the law. I would join in this welcome, not merely because it is essential to complete and crown the work of the last Congress, but because our guest deserves it at our hands. The distinction is great, I know; but it is not so great as his deserts. He deserves it as the early
January 16th (search for this): chapter 9
ven, Or those whom choice and common good ordains. Liberty, by James Thomson. Hear him, ye senates! Hear this truth sublime,-- He who allows oppression shares the crime. Botanic Garden, by Erasmus Darwin. By a famous coalition of the Free-soil and Democratic parties, effected mainly through the agency of Henry Wilson in the legislature, 1851, Mr. Sumner was elected, over Robert C. Winthrop, the Whig candidate, to the Senate of the United States. The contest, commencing on the 16th day of January, was long and acrimonious. Mr. Winthrop had much experience in public affairs, and was an intimate friend of Daniel Webster. Mr. Sumner would make no pledges: he had never held, nor did he desire to hold, any political office. Mr. Sumner said in a conversation with James Redpath, written at the time, that committee after committee waited on him during the election, to get even verbal promises relative to tariff, and to ease off on the slave question; but he uniformly declined to
January 27th (search for this): chapter 9
less worthy. Like Lafayette, he has done penance in an Austrian dungeon: like Lafayette, he has served the cause of freedom; and whosoever serves this cause, wheresoever he may be, in whatever land, is entitled, according to his works, to the gratitude of every true American bosom, of every true lover of mankind. For this eloquent speech Mr. Sumner received the hearty commendation of Rufus Choate and other gentlemen. In his next speech (on the Iowa Railroad Bill, taken up in the senate Jan. 27 and after wards) occurs this elegant passage: By roads, religion and knowledge are diffused; intercourse of all kinds is promoted; the producer, the manufacturer, and the consumer are all brought nearer together; commerce is quickened; markets are opened; property, wherever touched by these lines, is changed as by a magic rod into new values; and the great current of travel, like that stream of classic fable, or one of the rivers of our own California, hurries in a channel of golden sand.
March 4th (search for this): chapter 9
-chamber of the United States. But the sense of Massachusetts had been outraged by the recreant course of Mr. Webster; and the farsighted saw that the aggressions of the slave-power must be squarely met. Mr. Sumner had shown himself an orator of no mean order, a statesman qualified to discuss constitutional questions from the highest stand-point, and, more than all, an invincible defender of the colored race. Accordingly, on the 24th day of April he was elected, for six years from the 4th of March following, as the successor of Mr. Webster to the senatorial chair; having had, on the twenty-fifth and last ballot in the House, a hundred and. ninety-three votes, the exact number necessary to a choice. It is said that the turning vote was cast by the late Capt. Israel Haynes of Sudbury, a lifelong Democrat, who voted for Mr. Sumner only on the day of his election, and then simply, as he affirmed, on principle, and because he believed him to be the better man. The votes used at this t
March 8th (search for this): chapter 9
ed and knit together in a fellowship that can never be broken. Read my speech [says he in a letter to Theodore Parker, dated Senate-Chamber, Feb. 6, 1852] on Lands. The Whig press is aroused; but I challenge it. I have the satisfaction of knowing that my argument has been received as original and unanswerable. The attack of The Advertiser attests its importance. I shall always be glad to hear from you, and shall value your counsels. Ever yours, Charles Sumner. On the 8th of March he made a brief speech on cheap ocean-postage, which he declared would be a bond of peace among the nations of the earth, and which would extend peace and good — will among men. On the 14th of May following he submitted an able argument, on the pardoning-power, to President Fillmore; and on the 26th of the same month he presented a memorial from the Society of Friends (a body noted for their active sympathy for the suffering of the colored race) against the Fugitive-Slave Bill, respect
April 3rd (search for this): chapter 9
of fire; but well could he affirm,-- What stronger breastplate than a heart untainted? Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just; And he but naked, though locked up in steel, Whose conscience with unjustice is corrupted. Though unpractised in debate, he had studied his subject à profond: his integrity was unimpeachable, his armor closely welded, and his position the impregnable rock of truth. What, then, had he to fear? The arrest of Thomas Sims as a fugitive slave, in Boston, April 3 of this year, and his mock trial, with the decision of the court remanding him to slavery, threw the city into an intense excitement. On receiving Theodore Parker's Fast-Day sermon, which in no measured terms rebuked this outrage, Mr. Sumner addressed to him the following letter:-- Court Street, Boston, April 19, 1851. May you live a thousand years, always preaching the truth of Fast Day! That sermon is a noble effort. It stirred me to the bottom of my heart, at times softening m
April 24th (search for this): chapter 9
ong a step from his private student-life to the Senate-chamber of the United States. But the sense of Massachusetts had been outraged by the recreant course of Mr. Webster; and the farsighted saw that the aggressions of the slave-power must be squarely met. Mr. Sumner had shown himself an orator of no mean order, a statesman qualified to discuss constitutional questions from the highest stand-point, and, more than all, an invincible defender of the colored race. Accordingly, on the 24th day of April he was elected, for six years from the 4th of March following, as the successor of Mr. Webster to the senatorial chair; having had, on the twenty-fifth and last ballot in the House, a hundred and. ninety-three votes, the exact number necessary to a choice. It is said that the turning vote was cast by the late Capt. Israel Haynes of Sudbury, a lifelong Democrat, who voted for Mr. Sumner only on the day of his election, and then simply, as he affirmed, on principle, and because he belie
but I challenge it. I have the satisfaction of knowing that my argument has been received as original and unanswerable. The attack of The Advertiser attests its importance. I shall always be glad to hear from you, and shall value your counsels. Ever yours, Charles Sumner. On the 8th of March he made a brief speech on cheap ocean-postage, which he declared would be a bond of peace among the nations of the earth, and which would extend peace and good — will among men. On the 14th of May following he submitted an able argument, on the pardoning-power, to President Fillmore; and on the 26th of the same month he presented a memorial from the Society of Friends (a body noted for their active sympathy for the suffering of the colored race) against the Fugitive-Slave Bill, respecting which the Southern members steadily endeavored to prevent discussion. He succeeded, however, in gaining the floor to offer the following remarks, in which his future course regarding slavery was
ever heard from you a single suggestion of a selfish character, looking in any way to any good to yourself: your labors have been as disinterested as they have been effective. This consideration increases my personal esteem and gratitude. I trust that you will see that Mr. B.'s resolves are passed at once as they are, and the bill as soon as possible. Delay will be the tactics of the enemy. Sincerely yours, Charles Sumner. The Hon. Henry Wilson. In a letter to me dated Amesbury, 8th month. 1874, John G. Whittier, in reference to Mr. Sumner's election, says, I am inclined to believe that I was the first to suggest to him, in the summer of 1850, the possibility of his election to the Senate. He thought it impracticable, and stated with emphasis, that he desired no office, that his plans of life did not contemplate any thing of the kind, and that he greatly doubted his natural fitness for political life. He made no pledges nor explanations of any kind to insure his election
August 9th (search for this): chapter 9
nstitution is sectional, and unless the sentiments of the fathers were sectional. It is my happiness to believe, and my hope to be able to show, that, according to the true spirit of the constitution, and according to the sentiments of the fathers, freedom, and not slavery, is national; while slavery, and not freedom, is sectional. In duty to the petitioners, and with the hope of promoting their prayer, I move the reference of their petition to the Committee on the Judiciary. On the 9th of August he paid a fitting tribute to Robert Rantoul, jun., characterizing him as a reformative conservative, and a conservative reformer. As a debater, said Mr. Sumner, he rarely met his peer. Fluent, earnest, rapid, sharp, incisive, his words came forth like a flashing cimeter. Few could stand against him. He always understood his subject; and then, clear, logical, and determined, seeing his point before him, pressed forward with unrelenting power. To the complaint of some of his suppor
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