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George McDuffie (search for this): chapter 6
Follen was setting before you what we deem the most serious evil to be apprehended from any condemnatory resolutions which the Legislature might be induced to pass; and if he is not permitted to press this upon your consideration our interview with the Committee must end here. Mr. Follen was allowed by the chairman to proceed, but the following speaker, Rev. William Goodell, was compelled to sit down by the chairman. He was at the moment in the midst of a most telling quotation from Gov. McDuffie, of South Carolina, who had said that the laboring population of no nation on earth are entitled to liberty or capable of enjoying it. Sit down, said Mr. Lunt, the Committee will hear no more of it. The Abolitionists immediately and meekly showed their compliance by beginning to leave the Hall. This is magnificent agitation: it is impossible for reformers to be more able than this. Such conduct sends out an appeal to common sense, to justice, to fair play, to the mind of the averag
Arthur Tappan (search for this): chapter 6
ctly innocent man and younger brother of Prudence Crandall, was thrown into a noisome jail in Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, on a charge of circulating Tappan, Garrison & Company's papers, encouraging the negroes to insurrection, for which a mob would fain have lynched him. . . . It was nearly a year before he was brought to trial, and meantime his health had been ruined. Five thousand dollars were offered on the Exchange in New York for the head of Arthur Tappan on Friday last, writes Henry Benson to Garrison. Elizur Wright is barricading his house with shutters, bars and bolts. How imminent is the danger that hovers about the persons of our friends, George Thompson and Arthur Tappan! writes Garrison to George Benson. Rewards for the seizure of the latter are multiplying — in one place they offer three thousand dollars, for his ears--a purse has been made up, publicly, of $20,000, in New Orleans for his person. I, too,--I desire to bless God, --am involved i
James T. Austin (search for this): chapter 6
hed family, and he had gone to the meeting without any intention of taking part in its proceedings. He was drawn into the fray by the extraordinary speech of James T. Austin, attorney-general of Massachusetts and leader of the conservatives. Austin declared that Lovejoy was not only presumptuous and imprudent while he lived, but Austin declared that Lovejoy was not only presumptuous and imprudent while he lived, but that he died as the fool dieth. He compared the murderers of Lovejoy with the men who destroyed the tea in Boston harbor, and said that wherever the Abolition fever raged there were mobs and murders. Austin was vociferously applauded and there was some prospect that the whole meeting would break up in a riot. Phillips had greatAustin was vociferously applauded and there was some prospect that the whole meeting would break up in a riot. Phillips had great difficulty in getting the attention of the audience. Mr. Chairman, he said, we have met for the freest discussion of these resolutions and the events which gave rise to them. (Cries of question, hear him, go on, no gagging etc.) I hope I shall be permitted to express my surprise at the sentiments of the last speaker — surprise
Gamaliel Bradford (search for this): chapter 6
ame a response to that appeal, a response from one whose mere name was a summary of the traditions he spoke for. The audience here began to leave the Hall, continues Mr. May, but were arrested by a voice in their midst. It was the voice of Gamaliel Bradford, not a member of the Anti-Slavery Society, who had come there only as a spectator, but had been so moved by what he had witnessed that he pronounced an eloquent, thrilling, impassioned, but respectful appeal in favor of free discussion. When Bradford sat down Mr. George Bond, one of the most prominent merchants and estimable gentlemen of Boston, made a speech to the same effect. Abolition thus began to penetrate the stalwart and sensible classes. It could no longer be regarded as merely the infatuation of foolish persons. There were still to be years of struggle, but the loneliness was at an end. The great shattering climax of all this period was the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy, a young Presbyterian minister and native of M
Francis Jackson (search for this): chapter 6
he new ebullitions was the so called Boston mob (October 21, 1835), which led Garrison about with a rope round him-and might easily have ended in his death. General Jackson, the President of the United States, referred to the recent Pro-slavery demonstration at the North in his Message to Congress, in December, 1835. It is fond prevailed upon the women to adjourn. They passed down the staircase amid manifestations of revengeful brutality and so, in a close column, to the house of Francis Jackson, a new and powerful recruit to their cause. Mayor Lyman now had to deal with the mob. Their attention had been attracted to the Antislavery sign board and Maing to greater things. The Boston mob gives a barometrical record of conditions in the North in 1835. Every village had its Garrison, its Mayor Lyman, its Francis Jackson. Moved by the spectacle of Garrison's persecution, Charles Sumner, Henry I. Bowditch, and Wendell Phillips became converts to the cause. Every village in th
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 6
is house with shutters, bars and bolts. How imminent is the danger that hovers about the persons of our friends, George Thompson and Arthur Tappan! writes Garrison to George Benson. Rewards for the seizure of the latter are multiplying — in onom two to five thousand particularly respectable persons, was got together for the purpose of tarring and feathering George Thompson, who was believed to be at the meeting. As Thompson was not to be found, the mob cried out for Garrison. It surgedThompson was not to be found, the mob cried out for Garrison. It surged into the women's meeting where Garrison was. For some time the thirty women went forward with their prayers and proceedings while the mob howled upon them. Garrison left the meeting in order to protect it, but could not escape from the building on e Common, but for Mayor Lyman's timely interference? Very likely there was. There seems to have been a plan to maltreat Thompson, which plan was divulged to the public through broadsides and to Garrison through anonymous letters, one of the letters
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 6
d terrible, leading to greater things. The Boston mob gives a barometrical record of conditions in the North in 1835. Every village had its Garrison, its Mayor Lyman, its Francis Jackson. Moved by the spectacle of Garrison's persecution, Charles Sumner, Henry I. Bowditch, and Wendell Phillips became converts to the cause. Every village in the North after October 21, produced its Bowditch, its Sumner, its Phillips. There were now six State and three hundred auxiliary Anti-slavery societiesSumner, its Phillips. There were now six State and three hundred auxiliary Anti-slavery societies, all formed since 1831. So then, comments Garrison, we derive from our opponents these instructive but paradoxical facts---that without numbers, we are multitudinous; that without power, we are sapping the foundations of the Confederacy; that without a plan, we are hastening the abolition of slavery; and without reason or talent we are rapidly converting the nation. For the second time within three months it became wise for Garrison to leave Boston. His landlord, quite naturally, feared for
George Benson (search for this): chapter 6
which a mob would fain have lynched him. . . . It was nearly a year before he was brought to trial, and meantime his health had been ruined. Five thousand dollars were offered on the Exchange in New York for the head of Arthur Tappan on Friday last, writes Henry Benson to Garrison. Elizur Wright is barricading his house with shutters, bars and bolts. How imminent is the danger that hovers about the persons of our friends, George Thompson and Arthur Tappan! writes Garrison to George Benson. Rewards for the seizure of the latter are multiplying — in one place they offer three thousand dollars, for his ears--a purse has been made up, publicly, of $20,000, in New Orleans for his person. I, too,--I desire to bless God, --am involved in almost equal peril. I have just received a letter written evidently by a friendly hand, in which I am apprised that my life is sought after, and a reward of $20,000 has been offered for my head by six Mississippians. He says- Beware of the a
Reuben Crandall (search for this): chapter 6
etc.; but the word persecution is most aptly used to describe their sufferings, if we reflect that there are persecutions which do not result in death. Prudence Crandall was certainly persecuted; the Abolitionist was harassed and his life was made as uncomfortable as the law would permit. The outrages, both legal and extra-legalss of the time. They lie upon any page of the history of that day. The following are severe cases. They are mentioned in the large life of Garrison: Dr. Reuben Crandall, a perfectly innocent man and younger brother of Prudence Crandall, was thrown into a noisome jail in Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, on a charge oCrandall, was thrown into a noisome jail in Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, on a charge of circulating Tappan, Garrison & Company's papers, encouraging the negroes to insurrection, for which a mob would fain have lynched him. . . . It was nearly a year before he was brought to trial, and meantime his health had been ruined. Five thousand dollars were offered on the Exchange in New York for the head of Arthur Tap
Henry I. Bowditch (search for this): chapter 6
g at the Clubs in New York of distinguished Abolitionists,--the Muse of History cannot record these things among her tragedies. We have seen, in the case of Henry I. Bowditch and his walk with Douglass, upon what plane the drama moved. It was a drama of character, rather than a drama of blood. The Anti-slavery people are, howeve the North in 1835. Every village had its Garrison, its Mayor Lyman, its Francis Jackson. Moved by the spectacle of Garrison's persecution, Charles Sumner, Henry I. Bowditch, and Wendell Phillips became converts to the cause. Every village in the North after October 21, produced its Bowditch, its Sumner, its Phillips. There werBowditch, its Sumner, its Phillips. There were now six State and three hundred auxiliary Anti-slavery societies, all formed since 1831. So then, comments Garrison, we derive from our opponents these instructive but paradoxical facts---that without numbers, we are multitudinous; that without power, we are sapping the foundations of the Confederacy; that without a plan, we are
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