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Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
not till January, 1836, that the time came for Edward Everett, Governor of Massachusetts, to take notice of the entreaties of the Southern States. In his Message ttee, that the work was done which put an end to Southern hopes of enslaving Massachusetts. The great attempt was foiled. The South had done its utmost to suppress bolitionists' phrase is thus truer than it seemed. Peleg Sprague, one of Massachusetts' most distinguished men, a United States Senator and former Congressman, any Governor Everett to consider the requests from Southern legislatures that Massachusetts should do something to suppress Anti-slavery. The first hearing in the matlic — not to the public of the city of Boston, but to the people of the State of Massachusetts who were watching the whole proceeding with passionate interest. Wouldhe fray by the extraordinary speech of James T. Austin, attorney-general of Massachusetts and leader of the conservatives. Austin declared that Lovejoy was not only
Canaan, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
--I desire to bless God, --am involved in almost equal peril. I have just received a letter written evidently by a friendly hand, in which I am apprised that my life is sought after, and a reward of $20,000 has been offered for my head by six Mississippians. He says- Beware of the assassin! May God protect you! and signs himself A Marylander, and a resident of Philadelphia. Typical cases were the town-meeting appointment of a vigilance committee to prevent Anti-slavery meetings in Canaan, N. H.; the arrest of the Rev. George Storrs, at Northfield, in the same State, in a friendly pulpit, at the close of a discourse on slavery, as a common brawler, and his subsequent sentence by a justice of the peace to hard labor in the House of Correction for three months (not sustained on appeal); and the repeated destruction of Birney's Philanthropist printing-office by the gentlemen of. property and standing in Cincinnati-an outrage bearing a close resemblance to that engendered by the F
Boston Harbor (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
unknown young lawyer, the scion of a very distinguished family, and he had gone to the meeting without any intention of taking part in its proceedings. He was drawn into the fray by the extraordinary speech of James T. Austin, attorney-general of Massachusetts and leader of the conservatives. Austin declared that Lovejoy was not only presumptuous and imprudent while he lived, but that he died as the fool dieth. He compared the murderers of Lovejoy with the men who destroyed the tea in Boston harbor, and said that wherever the Abolition fever raged there were mobs and murders. Austin was vociferously applauded and there was some prospect that the whole meeting would break up in a riot. Phillips had great difficulty in getting the attention of the audience. Mr. Chairman, he said, we have met for the freest discussion of these resolutions and the events which gave rise to them. (Cries of question, hear him, go on, no gagging etc.) I hope I shall be permitted to express my surpris
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
by a series of mobs. We see that it did no damage to speak of; and therefore we cannot help thinking of it as a harmless affair. But a mob has always something devilish and incalculable in its action, and a mob led by gentlemen, a mob in which the ruffian saw that he was supported by the Bank President, and that no prosecution could possibly follow in the wake of the day, might be the most dangerous of all mobs. The experience of Birney and his press in Ohio, of Lovejoy and his press in Illinois, the burning of Pennsylvania Hall in Philadelphia and countless other acts of violence show that the Abolitionists did right to be alarmed. As a matter of fact they were seriously frightened. Though Garrison and the ladies put on as bold a front as they could, they did not feel like shaking hands with their old friend Mayor Lyman and regarding that mob as a joke. There was, after all, a real and terrific force at the back of the mob. It was the mob of the Richmond Whig, of the Faneuil
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
before you what we deem the most serious evil to be apprehended from any condemnatory resolutions which the Legislature might be induced to pass; and if he is not permitted to press this upon your consideration our interview with the Committee must end here. Mr. Follen was allowed by the chairman to proceed, but the following speaker, Rev. William Goodell, was compelled to sit down by the chairman. He was at the moment in the midst of a most telling quotation from Gov. McDuffie, of South Carolina, who had said that the laboring population of no nation on earth are entitled to liberty or capable of enjoying it. Sit down, said Mr. Lunt, the Committee will hear no more of it. The Abolitionists immediately and meekly showed their compliance by beginning to leave the Hall. This is magnificent agitation: it is impossible for reformers to be more able than this. Such conduct sends out an appeal to common sense, to justice, to fair play, to the mind of the average man and of the co
Northfield, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
peril. I have just received a letter written evidently by a friendly hand, in which I am apprised that my life is sought after, and a reward of $20,000 has been offered for my head by six Mississippians. He says- Beware of the assassin! May God protect you! and signs himself A Marylander, and a resident of Philadelphia. Typical cases were the town-meeting appointment of a vigilance committee to prevent Anti-slavery meetings in Canaan, N. H.; the arrest of the Rev. George Storrs, at Northfield, in the same State, in a friendly pulpit, at the close of a discourse on slavery, as a common brawler, and his subsequent sentence by a justice of the peace to hard labor in the House of Correction for three months (not sustained on appeal); and the repeated destruction of Birney's Philanthropist printing-office by the gentlemen of. property and standing in Cincinnati-an outrage bearing a close resemblance to that engendered by the Faneuil Hall meeting, and ending in a midnight raid upon
Alton (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
Had he behaved in any different manner, had he shown fight, as Lovejoy did at Alton, had his followers become exasperated, bloodshed would probably have followed aa young Presbyterian minister and native of Maine, on November 7th, 1837, at Alton, Ill. He was shot down as he emerged from the burning building in which the last omparison has been drawn between the events of the Revolution and the tragedy at Alton. We have heard it asserted here, in Faneuil Hall, that Great Britain had a right to tax the Colonies; and we have heard the mob at Alton, the drunken murderers of Lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the tea overboard! (Great No, no. ) After giving a clear exposition of the difference between the riot at Alton and the Boston Tea Party, Phillips continued: Sir, when I heard the gentleman lay down principles which place the murderers of Alton side by side with Otis and Hancock, with Quincy and Adams, I thought those pictured lips (pointing to the portr
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
n Bradford sat down Mr. George Bond, one of the most prominent merchants and estimable gentlemen of Boston, made a speech to the same effect. Abolition thus began to penetrate the stalwart and sensible classes. It could no longer be regarded as merely the infatuation of foolish persons. There were still to be years of struggle, but the loneliness was at an end. The great shattering climax of all this period was the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy, a young Presbyterian minister and native of Maine, on November 7th, 1837, at Alton, Ill. He was shot down as he emerged from the burning building in which the last of four Anti-slavery printing-presses perished at the hands of infuriated Pro-slavery rioters. Lovejoy, though a clergyman, had determined to protect his rights of free speech under the Constitutional forms of self-defense. He and his friends had armed themselves according to law, and were under the protection of the Mayor of the town. They thus stood like the embattied farme
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ern exasperation would seize some of the prime conspirators in their very beds, and drag them to meet the punishment due their offenses. We fear it no longer. We hope it may be so, and our applause as one man shall follow the successful enterprise. This then is the outer ring of fiery feeling which dreamed of moving Northward and doing, it knew not what, to put down Abolition. The spirit of violence, as shown, for instance, in the breaking into of the United States Post-office at Charleston, S. C., and the seizing of Abolition newspapers for a bonfire, was redoubled by the attitude of the Federal authorities. The United States Postmaster-General, Amos Kendall, a Massachusetts man, approved the deed. Now, the only reason why riots do not occur every day, accompanied by destruction of property and injury to unoffending persons, is that the strong arm of law and order is against the ubiquitous loafer and ruffian. Once let this gentleman see a chance of rioting with impunity, an
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 6
or the freest discussion of these resolutions and the events which gave rise to them. (Cries of question, hear him, go on, no gagging etc.) I hope I shall be permitted to express my surprise at the sentiments of the last speaker — surprise not only at such sentiments from such a man, but at the applause they have received within these walls. A comparison has been drawn between the events of the Revolution and the tragedy at Alton. We have heard it asserted here, in Faneuil Hall, that Great Britain had a right to tax the Colonies; and we have heard the mob at Alton, the drunken murderers of Lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the tea overboard! (Great applause.) Fellow-citizens, is this Faneuil Hall doctrine? ( No, no. ) After giving a clear exposition of the difference between the riot at Alton and the Boston Tea Party, Phillips continued: Sir, when I heard the gentleman lay down principles which place the murderers of Alton side by side with Otis and Hancock, wi
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