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1903 AD (search for this): chapter 12
that all things work together for good, and his dogmatism is as strict as that of any Presbyterian sect. It is the old issue of fatalism and free will, the fatalist usually exerting himself to secure his ends much more strenuously than his adversary. The most complete application of this theory of economic causes to the subject of slavery has been made by an acute socialist thinker, Mr. A. M. Simons, in a series of articles in the International Socialist Review of Chicago during the year 1903. According to him the idealism of Garrison and the Abolitionists — the growing belief in the immorality of slavery and the justice of the demand for freedom, John Brown and his raid, Uncle Tom's Cabin, the battle songs of the North-all these things were phantasmagoria and the people were deceiving themselves. The real conflict was . . . between the capital that hired free labor and the capital that owned slave labor. Quoted by Mr. Simons from a former work by Benjamin E. Green. An
November, 1903 AD (search for this): chapter 12
how many have died of intemperance of all kinds, and of loathsome diseases which the war generated, fostered and spread down to this very day? All the flags with which we decorate their graves on Memorial Day cannot conceal the truth. I have seen it stated that discharged soldiers founded our army of tramps, a name which has come into use in my time. Do not think that these are the imaginations of a fanatic who sees in history only that which he looks for. In the Century Magazine for November, 1903, is an article on The present Epidemic of crime, by the Rev. Dr. James M. Buckley, one of the best-known clergymen in the country. At the very head of the causes of this epidemic he places the great war. Among the influences which have powerfully affected the primary causes of crime, and are sources of this present epidemic, is the effect of the Civil War . . The evil done by that war to public and private morality was almost irremediable. Its effects were seen upon Congress, upon pol
John Brown (search for this): chapter 12
usually exerting himself to secure his ends much more strenuously than his adversary. The most complete application of this theory of economic causes to the subject of slavery has been made by an acute socialist thinker, Mr. A. M. Simons, in a series of articles in the International Socialist Review of Chicago during the year 1903. According to him the idealism of Garrison and the Abolitionists — the growing belief in the immorality of slavery and the justice of the demand for freedom, John Brown and his raid, Uncle Tom's Cabin, the battle songs of the North-all these things were phantasmagoria and the people were deceiving themselves. The real conflict was . . . between the capital that hired free labor and the capital that owned slave labor. Quoted by Mr. Simons from a former work by Benjamin E. Green. And Mr. Simons represents the Northern capitalists in the anticipation of a future struggle between themselves and their employes, as deliberately determining that the c
James M. Buckley (search for this): chapter 12
which the war generated, fostered and spread down to this very day? All the flags with which we decorate their graves on Memorial Day cannot conceal the truth. I have seen it stated that discharged soldiers founded our army of tramps, a name which has come into use in my time. Do not think that these are the imaginations of a fanatic who sees in history only that which he looks for. In the Century Magazine for November, 1903, is an article on The present Epidemic of crime, by the Rev. Dr. James M. Buckley, one of the best-known clergymen in the country. At the very head of the causes of this epidemic he places the great war. Among the influences which have powerfully affected the primary causes of crime, and are sources of this present epidemic, is the effect of the Civil War . . The evil done by that war to public and private morality was almost irremediable. Its effects were seen upon Congress, upon politics, upon reconstruction, upon business, upon society, and upon the habi
Chamberlain (search for this): chapter 12
nimizes the work of the Abolitionists upon the ground that they did more harm than good, and that slavery would have been abolished much more easily without them. To refute this argument we must appeal to the entire history of the times, which has been so briefly summarized in these pages. We cannot read it impartially without being conscious throughout of the constant presence, behind statesmen and politician, behind orator and editor, of the goad of the Abolitionist. In the troubled waters of controversy his was ever the stirring power. He was not a fly on the wheel, but steam in the engine. And we can call the best of all witnesses in confirmation of this fact. President Lincoln, a few days before his assassination, when congratulated by Mr. Chamberlain, afterwards governor of South Carolina, upon having freed the slaves, answered, I have been only an instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison and the anti-slavery people of the country, and the army, have done all.
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 12
are ordinarily used) than the North. The leaders of the Northern hosts, Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan and the rest, were not religious men, and their connection with churches of any kind was usually of the most formal description; while Jefferson Davis, Lee and Stonewall Jackson were pillars of the church. And unprejudiced foreign observers often took the side of the South, too, of whom Mr. Gladstone was a notable example. Was his sympathy with the South a mistake? That depends, I thinkssible to take another view of the issue. In the late fifties and early sixties, the North and South hated each other bitterly. I was brought up in the midst of that hatred and partook of it; and I remember suggesting, as a small boy, when Jefferson Davis was captured, that he be taken through the streets of our cities on exhibition in an iron cage. Our favorite song devoted him to death by hanging on a sour-apple tree. As for the Southerners, they could find no words vile enough to descri
Thomas Dixon (search for this): chapter 12
iative is particularly prominent. A sentimental bishop was the first to suggest the importation of Africans to America in order to relieve the Indians from the labor which their spirit could not brook. It was a philanthropic business at the start. Indians would not work, Negroes would. Here again the human factor asserted itself. The cavalier immigrants of the South did not like to work, the Puritans of the North did; hence one of the reasons that slavery flourished only below Mason and Dixon's line. Mr. Simons refers to this fact as one of those strange happenings called coincidences ! The interesting point lies, he goes on to say, in the fact that in Europe it was just the cavalier who represented the old feudal organization of society with its servile system of labor, while the Puritan is the representative of the rapidly rising bourgeoisie which was to rest upon the status of wageslavery. Strange happening, coincidence, interesting point ! This is certainly most naive. The
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 12
Chapter 10: Garrison and the Civil war And behold, the Lord passed by, and a great and strong e a still small voice.-I Kings XIX:XX, 12. Garrison is not known as a non-resistant because the wthe army came to bid him farewell in uniform, Garrison slapped him on the back and wished him Godspanked a neighbor for swearing for her, and if Garrison even went so far as to rejoice over the victo And this was substantially the advice which Garrison gave. In an article in the North American nk that the statesmanship of Gladstone-and of Garrison — was sounder than that of Lincoln. There ass of critics which denies the importance of Garrison's services to the country on the ground that of the anti-slavery people of the North with Garrison at their head. As a matter of fact, human is swayed by novels and agitators and poets. Garrison still has his place in history. Another cl an instrument. The logic and moral power of Garrison and the anti-slavery people of the country, a[4 more...]
Gladstone (search for this): chapter 12
e church. And unprejudiced foreign observers often took the side of the South, too, of whom Mr. Gladstone was a notable example. Was his sympathy with the South a mistake? That depends, I think, oral considerations. The simple issue was: Is it right to hold haters together by force? If Mr. Gladstone decided this question in the negative, I, for one, do not see how he could reasonably have d which Garrison gave. In an article in the North American Review I took the position that Mr. Gladstone was right in sympathizing with the South, and I was much gratified afterwards to receive a letter from an English ex-official who was close to Mr. Gladstone and familiar with his opinions, in which letter he assured me that my explanation of the British statesman's position was correct. Hnd formal connection or by any cast-iron scheme of supposed material interests. Such were Mr. Gladstone's views, and such also were Garrison's. I do not believe that the final judgment of posterit
Grant (search for this): chapter 12
ctically unanimous; but, then, so too is the South, and on the other side! This fact ought perhaps to disturb our confidence. Thousands of men and women who disapprove of most wars would make an exception of this, the holy war par excellence waged for the liberation of an enslaved race. But has not the South an equal right to judge of holiness? It is and was much more religious and orthodox (as those words are ordinarily used) than the North. The leaders of the Northern hosts, Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan and the rest, were not religious men, and their connection with churches of any kind was usually of the most formal description; while Jefferson Davis, Lee and Stonewall Jackson were pillars of the church. And unprejudiced foreign observers often took the side of the South, too, of whom Mr. Gladstone was a notable example. Was his sympathy with the South a mistake? That depends, I think, on the character of the motives which determined his choice. If it was a kindly fe
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