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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
e? repeats General Warmoth, to whom we put this question. Here! The only legal government in Louisiana resides in me. I am the governor. No man but myself has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Louisiana. Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated. Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. If the Federal army left, McEnery would be Governor by force of the White League. Whenolitician, he was elected by the loyal citizens President of the Grand Army of the Republic in Louisiana. The Grand Army of the Republic is a patriotic association of men who fought in the war; trood General Warmoth turned his openings to such good account that he carried the Governorship of Louisiana under the Reconstruction Act. Of Warmoth's administration every man speaks according to hise settled country, such an act would drive a man from public life; and for the moment, even in Louisiana, Warmouth has become impossible. How long will the ban endure? You seem to think General
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ht before a judge, he is at once discharged. I thought Byerley was fully armed, says Warmoth, in explanation of his use of the knife, and I only struck at him in self-defence. He came on me by stealth, and struck me twice before I saw him. The cane he carried was a sword-stick; a weapon as deadly as a sword; and far more deadly than a knife. This murder in the street has heated and perplexed the situation; for, whatever men may think of street fighting, a man with blood on his hands is not an officer whom any reasonable man would like to seat in the chair of State. In a more settled country, such an act would drive a man from public life; and for the moment, even in Louisiana, Warmouth has become impossible. How long will the ban endure? You seem to think General Warmoth dead, says one of his admirers. John Barleycorn is dead. Bury him in a hole, and cover him with earth. In five weeks he is up again. You'll live to see Warmoth President of the United States.
John Barleycorn (search for this): chapter 9
ht before a judge, he is at once discharged. I thought Byerley was fully armed, says Warmoth, in explanation of his use of the knife, and I only struck at him in self-defence. He came on me by stealth, and struck me twice before I saw him. The cane he carried was a sword-stick; a weapon as deadly as a sword; and far more deadly than a knife. This murder in the street has heated and perplexed the situation; for, whatever men may think of street fighting, a man with blood on his hands is not an officer whom any reasonable man would like to seat in the chair of State. In a more settled country, such an act would drive a man from public life; and for the moment, even in Louisiana, Warmouth has become impossible. How long will the ban endure? You seem to think General Warmoth dead, says one of his admirers. John Barleycorn is dead. Bury him in a hole, and cover him with earth. In five weeks he is up again. You'll live to see Warmoth President of the United States.
foremost advocate. Jewell is manager of a paper called The commercial Bulletin; a lively sheet, in which he carries on a war of insult and reproach against his former chief; not on the ground of high principle, but on a minor question springing out of the great conflict of race. Shall Negroes be allowed to ride in street cars? Ladies answer, No. Car owners, unable to offend their customers, answer, No. It is a bitter feud, dividing families, like the acts of Kellogg and the messages of Grant. A group of other questions stand, as one may say, around that of the street cars. Shall Negroes be allowed to lodge in good hotels? Shall Negroes be allowed to dine at common tables? Shall Negroes be allowed to sit in any part of church? The carpet-baggers, who depend on Negro suffrages, assert that all these privileges spring from the admitted theory of equal rights. If White and Black are equal before a judge, they are equal before a car-conductor and a tavern clerk. So say the
nsideration, and is sometimes honoured by a card from leaders of fashion in New Orleans. This difference is at once his merit and his curse. Society has brought him into friendly intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism as McEnery and Penn. Wiltz has received him; Ogden has visited him in jail. By his charm of manner and his moderation of view, Warmoth has half-reconciled the upper classes to his presence in their town. But his successes on a ground forbidden to his comrades, f more than two thousand citizens march behind his hearse. No. one pretends to think the worse of General Warmoth for having killed a man. His prison is a court, his visiting-book filled with famous names. McEnery calls on him in jail. Ogden and Penn are no less courteous, and Speaker Wiltz pays him a formal visit. Five hundred citizens go to see him in a single day. Never has Warmoth found himself so popular. Nobody holds him guilty of the blood so lately shed, and when the charge is brough
Philip Sheridan (search for this): chapter 9
nor. No man but myself has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Louisiana. Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated. Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. If the Federal army left, McEnery would be Governor by force of the White League. When right and order gain the mastery, there will be no legal Governor iepublic. Where is the Grand Army? Why are the companies not up, raising their voices in this critical hour? Why are the Union soldiers standing back, leaving Sheridan to fight alone? Warmoth is the culprit. Warmoth is bowing to the Conservatives; seeking an entrance into club and society; kissing gloves to the ladies of Pennnce with public sentiment. This question of whether the Negro shall or shall not be allowed to ride in street cars, excites as much debate as the telegrams of Sheridan. Everyone is suggesting remedies and discussing compromises. General Warmoth suggests, that cars might be started in Canal Street, to be marked with a star, in
noured by a card from leaders of fashion in New Orleans. This difference is at once his merit and his curse. Society has brought him into friendly intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism as McEnery and Penn. Wiltz has received him; Ogden has visited him in jail. By his charm of manner and his moderation of view, Warmoth has half-reconciled the upper classes to his presence in their town. But his successes on a ground forbidden to his comrades, fill the scalawag ranks with furrers, and more than two thousand citizens march behind his hearse. No. one pretends to think the worse of General Warmoth for having killed a man. His prison is a court, his visiting-book filled with famous names. McEnery calls on him in jail. Ogden and Penn are no less courteous, and Speaker Wiltz pays him a formal visit. Five hundred citizens go to see him in a single day. Never has Warmoth found himself so popular. Nobody holds him guilty of the blood so lately shed, and when the charge
William P. Kellogg (search for this): chapter 9
am the governor. No man but myself has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Louisiana. Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated. Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. If the FeKellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. If the Federal army left, McEnery would be Governor by force of the White League. When right and order gain the mastery, there will be no legal Governor in New Orleans except myself. Henry C. Warmoth holdheir votes without a promise of forty acres and a good mule. His promises are not so large as Kellogg's, but he tries to carry out the pledges he makes. To his ingenuity the Negroes owe the metropolitan police, a force which some of them regard as their only guarantee of freedom. As Kellogg's star declines, the Negroes turn towards Warmoth as a man of moderate counsels who might keep them frto offend their customers, answer, No. It is a bitter feud, dividing families, like the acts of Kellogg and the messages of Grant. A group of other questions stand, as one may say, around that of
Henry C. Warmoth (search for this): chapter 9
Governor in New Orleans except myself. Henry C. Warmoth holds a position in this city, not only owith a pallid brow and deep-set student eyes, Warmoth has the grand style of domestic drama, and Sos charm of manner and his moderation of view, Warmoth has half-reconciled the upper classes to his dan to fight alone? Warmoth is the culprit. Warmoth is bowing to the Conservatives; seeking an ening remedies and discussing compromises. General Warmoth suggests, that cars might be started in Ct, cries Jewell, I will ruin you for ever. Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two Conservatirning Jewell comes out with a leader in which Warmoth is described as Lazarus, raised from the deadrong man, but maimed of his left arm, follows Warmoth down Canal Street, where he assaults him withfriends, who bear him to a hospital close by. Warmoth gives up his knife, and yields himself prisonzens go to see him in a single day. Never has Warmoth found himself so popular. Nobody holds him g[25 more...]
myself has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Louisiana. Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated. Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. If the Federal army left, McEnery would be Governor by force of the White League. When right and order gain the mastery, there will be no legal Governor in New Orleans ought him into friendly intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism as McEnery and Penn. Wiltz has received him; Ogden has visited him in jail. By his char for ever. Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two Conservative leaders, McEnery and Wiltz, adopt it as a reasonable compromise of the dispute. Next morning Jo of New Orleans, and a long train of carriages follows him to his grave. Governor McEnery is one of his pall-bearers, and more than two thousand citizens march behiled a man. His prison is a court, his visiting-book filled with famous names. McEnery calls on him in jail. Ogden and Penn are no less courteous, and Speaker Wiltz
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