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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights.

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July, 1905 AD (search for this): chapter 1
woven in among the strands of memory like a woof in the warp. It has ended in history supplying the warp, and the reminiscence indifferently supplying the woof. However, the value of the production is, doubtless, greatly enhanced by the change. A string of pearls-dropping the former simile and adopting another — is estimated according to the gems it contains, and not because of the cord that holds it together. The personal experiences and recollections that are here and there interwoven, by themselves would be of little consequence; but they will be found to carry upon them certain historical facts and inferences — some new in themselves and in their connections-which, as the author hopes and believes, are of profitable quality and abounding interest. In consequence of the change of plan just explained, the scope of the work is materially affected. What was begun as a magazine article, and continued as a brochure, ends in a volume. J. F. H. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., July, 1905
Poughkeepsie (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1
oven in among the strands of memory like a woof in the warp. It has ended in history supplying the warp, and the reminiscence indifferently supplying the woof. However, the value of the production is, doubtless, greatly enhanced by the change. A string of pearls-dropping the former simile and adopting another — is estimated according to the gems it contains, and not because of the cord that holds it together. The personal experiences and recollections that are here and there interwoven, by themselves would be of little consequence; but they will be found to carry upon them certain historical facts and inferences — some new in themselves and in their connections-which, as the author hopes and believes, are of profitable quality and abounding interest. In consequence of the change of plan just explained, the scope of the work is materially affected. What was begun as a magazine article, and continued as a brochure, ends in a volume. J. F. H. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., July, 1
Lincoln and the beginning of the Civil War-Lincoln's election being treated by the South as a casus belli. The Republican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860. Now, the work preparatory to Lincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it — the most arduous, the Republican party in those four years was not remarkably brilliant. With the slogan of Free soil, free men, and Fremont it made an ostentatious demonstration in 1856-an attempted coup de main--which failed. It would have failed quite as signally in 1860, but for the division of the Democratic party into the Douglas and Breckennd who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. The change of name from Free soil or Liberty to Republican in 1856 had very little significance. It was a matter of partisan policy and nothing more. Liberty and Free soil, as party cognomens, had a meaning, and were supposed to
ey were doing all they could to advance the cause, while the others were doing all they could to hold it back. Lincoln in 1860 occupied more nearly the ground held by Clay than that held by Birney; and the men who supported the latter in 1844 were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose Lincoln in 1860, and only worked less hard because they had less chance. The ultra Abolitionists discarded expediency, and claimed to act for abstract right on principle, no matter what the results might bted by the South as a casus belli. The Republican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860. Now, the work preparatory to Lincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it — the most a an ostentatious demonstration in 1856-an attempted coup de main--which failed. It would have failed quite as signally in 1860, but for the division of the Democratic party into the Douglas and Breckenridge factions. That division was pre-arranged
rong, he freed his negroes, giving them homes of their own, and so frankly avowed his Anti-Slavery convictions that he was driven from his native State. His supporters did not expect to elect him, but they hoped to begin a movement that would lead up to victory. They were planting seed in what they believed to be receptive soil. After 1840, the old parties became more and more submissive to the Slave Power. Conjointly, they enacted those measures that became known as the compromises of 1850, the principal ones being the Fugitive Slave Law and the act repealing the Missouri Compromise. Both of them pronounced these acts to be a finality, and both of them in national convention declared there should be no further agitation of the subject. They set out to muzzle all the Anti-Slavery voices of the country. By this time it was perfectly manifest that there was not only nothing the slaveholders might demand which the old parties would not concede, but that there was, so far as th
ing all they could to hold it back. Lincoln in 1860 occupied more nearly the ground held by Clay than that held by Birney; and the men who supported the latter in 1844 were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose Lincoln in 1860, and only worked less hard because they had less chance. The ultra Abolitionists discarded exped. In citing the action of Joshua R. Giddings as an anti-third-party man, Mr. Roosevelt is not altogether fortunate. Subsequent to the presidential campaign of 1844, the third-party Abolitionists held a convention in Pittsburg, in which Giddings was a leading actor. As chairman of the committee on platform, he submitted a resof abstract right, but of political expediency. In 1840, the vote of the third-party Abolitionists, then for the first time in the political field, was 7000; in 1844 it was 60,000, and in 1848 it was nearly 300,000. From that time, with occasional backsets, Mr. Roosevelt's political criminals went steadily forward until they m
they hampered and opposed rather than aided. After 1840, the professed Abolitionists formed a small and comp manifest that, if Mr. Roosevelt had been a voter in 1840, he would not have been an Abolitionist. He would nl crime. Now, for what did those parties stand in 1840? Who were their presidential candidates in that yeain what they believed to be receptive soil. After 1840, the old parties became more and more submissive to is a notable fact that in the eight years following 1840, of the four presidential candidates put in nominatif abstract right, but of political expediency. In 1840, the vote of the third-party Abolitionists, then fortime they organized for separate political action in 1840, they had made steady progress, although this seemedhad been done long before. Part of it dated back to 1840. Indeed, the performance of the Republican party inthe record of Chase and his associates, beginning in 1840 and continuing down until the last shackle was stric
excluded Anti-Slavery matter from the United States mails, a bill justly regarded as one of the greatest outrages ever perpetrated in a free country, and as holding a place by the side of the Fugitive Slave Law. True, he afterwards — this was in 1848,--like Saul of Tarsus, saw a new light and announced himself as a Free Soiler. Then the Abolitionists, with what must always be regarded as an extraordinary concession to partisan policy, cast aside their prejudices and gave him their support. Ydict of results, proved itself to be not only the course of abstract right, but of political expediency. In 1840, the vote of the third-party Abolitionists, then for the first time in the political field, was 7000; in 1844 it was 60,000, and in 1848 it was nearly 300,000. From that time, with occasional backsets, Mr. Roosevelt's political criminals went steadily forward until they mastered the situation. From the first, they were a power in the land, causing the older parties to quake, Bels
Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists The following is an extract from Theodore Roosevelt's biography of Thomas H. Benton in Houghton, Mifflin, & Co.'s American Statesmen Series, published in 1887: Owing to a variety of causes, the Abolitionists have received an immense amount of hysterical praise which they do not deserve, and have been credited with deeds done by other men whom, in reality, they hampered and opposed rather than aided. After 1840, the professed Abolitionists formed a small and comparatively unimportant portion of the forces that were working towards the restriction and ultimate destruction of slavery; and much of what they did was positively harmful to the cause for which they were fighting. Those of their number who considered the Constitution as a league with death and hell, and who, therefore, advocated a dissolution of the Union, acted as rationally as would antipolygamists nowadays if, to show their disapproval of Mormonism, they shou
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 2
ile the others were doing all they could to hold it back. Lincoln in 1860 occupied more nearly the ground held by Clay than in 1844 were the prototypes of those who worked to oppose Lincoln in 1860, and only worked less hard because they had less cts nor Anti-Slavery people. A good many of them, like Abraham Lincoln, were sentimentally adverse to slavery, but under exisce behind it when the great crisis came in the election of Lincoln and the beginning of the Civil War-Lincoln's election beinpublican party was established under that name in 1856 and Lincoln was elected in 1860. Now, the work preparatory to LincoLincoln's election was not done in four years. The most difficult part of it — the most arduous, the most disagreeable, the most ds, the regular Democratic nominee, much more than they did Lincoln, and who hoped and plotted for Lincoln's election because Lincoln's election because it furnished them a pretext for rebellion. The change of name from Free soil or Liberty to Republican in 1856 had very lit
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