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T. J. Wood (search for this): chapter 2.18
all those approved by a Bureau officer, the terms were first carefully explained to both parties; and the whole power of the Bureau would be afterwards exerted against the party attempting to violate an approved contract. In Mississippi General T. J. Wood, an able division commander during the war, always of a conservative turn of mind, gave a statement of the condition of affairs which was not very encouraging. Grievous outrages had been committed. A class of citizens called regulators apraid to give the information necessary for their detection and punishment. The regulators shot freedmen without provocation, drove them, unpaid, from plantations and committed other crimes. So many outrages of this kind were perpetrated that General Wood at first wondered that the better portion of the community did not take decided measures against the guilty. The general, however, said in abatement: We shall not do them (the whites) justice unless we remember that, with very few exception
Eliphalet Whittlesey (search for this): chapter 2.18
very report received from our agents bore evidences of troubles then existing and apprehended. The words of the assistant commissioner of North Carolina, Colonel Whittlesey, were significant. They found a veritable echo in the reports of other assistants and subassistants throughout the South. Writing from Raleigh, Decemberof their loyalty. This was done in places where the military had been withdrawn. A young man was threatened and stoned because he had opened a nigger school. Whittlesey added: I do hope that Congress will grasp the whole subject and show itself master of the situation. No legislation for the freedmen should be allowed — it is f every prominent officer who was reported to have been long the freedmen's friend. In his eyes assistant commissioners, such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals Whittlesey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird, were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers, i. e.
Unionists (search for this): chapter 2.18
traduced, and often, I am sorry to say, his discharge was brought about. The President was very anxious to be rid of every prominent officer who was reported to have been long the freedmen's friend. In his eyes assistant commissioners, such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals Whittlesey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird, were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers, i. e., immigrants from the North, and of Southern Unionists and negroes; and many subagents also were accused of a like attitude. They were too much the advocates of their wards to suit the situation. As I was obliged to execute the law under the direction of his Excellency, little by little his power made itself felt. To give my work the utmost opportunity to succeed I came to the conclusion, first, that all Government agencies within a given State must work in harmony, and so I recommended to the President that the functions of the military c
Lyman Trumbull (search for this): chapter 2.18
vernment ought to retain control. Our military force ought to be increased and not reduced. Early in this, the last session of the thirty-ninth Congress, Senator Trumbull of Illinois, instead of simply sending for me as would have been customary, kindly came to my office and studied the operations of the Bureau. I was then strender it nugatory. This worthy senator, always of a conservative turn, warmly took the freedmen's part. I well remember those nights at my headquarters, for Mr. Trumbull's thoughts deeply impressedtme. In a subsequent speech he declared the freedmen's condition to be abject, forlorn, helpless, and hopeless. January 5, 1866,tion of John Quincy Adams. The Senate did not get a two-thirds vote to overcome the veto, several senators having changed their attitude regarding it, so that Trumbull's bill failed to become a law. But in the House the persistent chairman of the Freedmen's committee, Mr. Eliot, very soon introduced a new Bureau bill, from whic
Davis Tillson (search for this): chapter 2.18
rs had been required to give bonds and so held to answer the charges. General Robinson was sanguine of the future. He believed that after time enough had elapsed for new adjustments between the races mutual confidence would be restored. General Tillson was a conservative and harmonizer, leaning possibly to the side of the white employers; he was this year of the opinion that the Georgia civil courts were disposed to do justice to the freed people, but unfortunately the jurors, selected from a class who hated the negroes, attached little weight to negro testimony. Even Tillson finally saw and believed that considerable time must elapse before the colored people could enjoy substantial equality before the law; yet the having a Bureau officer at hand to interpose as a friend had so far affected the actions of white citizens that acts of injustice and oppression were less numerous. Planters looked to Bureau officers to make their laborers reliable; and freedmen sought their aid a
Samuel Thomas (search for this): chapter 2.18
for examination and correction. Any agent who took the part of the freedmen against a Southern planter, especially one who had the hardihood to arrest a white man for misusing a negro, was traduced, and often, I am sorry to say, his discharge was brought about. The President was very anxious to be rid of every prominent officer who was reported to have been long the freedmen's friend. In his eyes assistant commissioners, such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals Whittlesey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird, were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers, i. e., immigrants from the North, and of Southern Unionists and negroes; and many subagents also were accused of a like attitude. They were too much the advocates of their wards to suit the situation. As I was obliged to execute the law under the direction of his Excellency, little by little his power made itself felt. To give my work the utmost opportunity
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.18
, where he could reach their haunts, to suspend their base work of terrorism which they had undertaken among the freedmen and their teachers. General J. W. Sprague, most manly and fearless of men, in October of 1866 was no longer sanguine for Arkansas in the line of justice. The legislature did not grant the negroes their rights. He feared to give cases to State officers on account of their manifest prejudice and unfairness. He could not, he confessed, carry out his Bureau instructions witinctions were constantly made in all dealings with them. His chief troubles consisted in his efforts to protect them from violence; he entreated for more troops for those remoter districts where the greater number of outrages occurred. As in Arkansas, where the interests of the larger planters came in play, the Bureau agents became a help, a necessity. A lack of confidence existed between the planters and freedmen, until the assistant commissioner had successfully inaugurated a system of co
Jamaica, L. I. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.18
of North Carolina, Colonel Whittlesey, were significant. They found a veritable echo in the reports of other assistants and subassistants throughout the South. Writing from Raleigh, December 1st, he said: But it is evident all over the South that the colored race cannot be safely left in the hands of the late masters or the Southern people. Just as sure as that is done, such oppressive laws will be enacted that the blacks will be driven to desperation and the scenes lately witnessed in Jamaica will be reinacted in many sections of our own country. He gave instances of outrages committed against loyal people because of their loyalty. This was done in places where the military had been withdrawn. A young man was threatened and stoned because he had opened a nigger school. Whittlesey added: I do hope that Congress will grasp the whole subject and show itself master of the situation. No legislation for the freedmen should be allowed — it is not consistent with the republican f
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 2.18
y would have it. All those who had been for four years fighting against the United States were again in power at the State capitals, or so close behind those in offitestimony of colored witnesses anywhere in Maryland until the effect of the United States Civil Rights Law, recently enacted, which forbade such distinction, came inng a good effect, restraining those who had hitherto been disposed to treat United States laws with contempt. Several magistrates were under arrest for violating itcivil officers elected by the people, to call their attention afresh to the United States laws involved, and to entreat them to lay aside all feelings of prejudice, ty of the freed people existed in Tennessee than in any other of the late Confederate States. Kentucky had meanwhile been full of trouble. The regulators had beend and nobody was arrested and brought to trial except through the agency of United States officers, most of them of our Bureau. In three counties it had been nece
Virginia (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 2.18
sed by the same officer. To this he gladly assented. It was early done in Virginia. General Alfred H. Terry, the new department commander, became also the assistant commissioner for that State. He took his predecessor in the Bureau, Colonel Brown, on his staff and so operated all Bureau work through him, and soon that arrangement prevailed throughout other departments. Next, I worked to make each military subdivision coincident with the Bureau subdistrict. Terry's department, the State of Virginia, was divided into eight subdistricts with an officer in charge of each. Then I carefully instructed subordinates that, touching all subjects of a military character, the agents were to be under the direction of State department commanders. The Bureau officer acted in the same manner as an officer of engineers building a fort might do, reporting on all matters of construction directly to the chief of engineers at Washington, but at the same time being the engineer officer on the sta
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