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Cuba (Cuba) (search for this): chapter 11
ir personal, relations were close and confidential. If proof were needed on this point, it will be found in a holograph letter from Seward, marked Private, and addressed to Charles A. Dana, Esq., editor of the Tribune. It runs as follows: Washington, January 27, 1859. My dear Dana, I am glad that you have explained the discordance in the reports of the debate in the Spanish Cortes. I will add a note of it to my speech in the pamphlet publication. For three years I have regarded this Cuba demonstration as the most dangerous one to us that the Democracy could get up, and when it came at last, it was made a subject of anxious and careful discussion. It was apparent to me that the scheme had not yet embodied any such partisan support as could carry it through Congress, and that it could easily be pushed aside and be rendered harmless, if the Republican party should not in its zeal accept and assume the false issue it tendered, and so drive the Democracy into Union. I felt on th
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
e Nation's war-cry-Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on July 20th! By that date the place must be held by the National army! And this was kept up with but little variation till the defeat of McDowell's army at Bull Run put a violent end to it. It was for years supposed that Dana himself wrote the article, Forward to Richmond, but Dana said, in later years, that it was written by a regular contributor, Fitz-Henry Warren, of Iowa. There is not the slightest doubt, however, that Dana was directly responsible for its publication, and for its constant reiteration in the columns of the Tribune. It is also certain that when disaster overtook the national army, Greeley made haste to declare, in a letter dated July 23d, filling an entire column of the Tribune, over his own signature: I wish to be distinctly understood as not seeking to be relieved from any responsibility for urging the advance of the Union army in Vi
Covington (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
decline what has not been offered. Neither do I say I would accept it; but only this: that if the offer were made, without any urgency on the part of my friends, under circumstances otherwise agreeable to me, I should feel bound to consider it honestly and carefully with the help of the best advisers I could consult, and should be governed in my decision, not so much by my personal inclination as by my obligation to the cause and its true and faithful friends. I thank you for giving my Covington speech a place in the Tribune. It has attracted a good deal of attention, and will, I hope, do some good. Please give my best regards to Mr. Greeley, who will, I trust, now find appreciation in some measure proportioned to his great services-and to your other co-laborers. How your work shames ours! Sincerely your friend, S. P. Chase. As might be readily inferred from what has already been said as to the relations of the Tribune with Seward, still by far the most conspicuous lea
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
the actual forerunner, of a host which have since appeared both in Europe and America for the sepcial delectation of children. Four years later, in 1852, he editve a succinct account of the origin and growth of the postal service in the United States, and called attention to the fact that: This vast machine, when wielded, nor should it be carried into or be established in any territory of the United States. This doctrine had been adopted by the Republican party, and that party wa cannot be two rival and competing governments within the boundaries of the United States. The territorial integrity and the political unity of the nation are to beat Slave-holding by rebels is not recognized by the government of the United States. And this idea was reiterated at intervals till shortly after the battlok effect January 1, 1863, and finally put an end forever to slavery in the United States. Who first formulated this demand it would be impossible to ascertain at t
West Point (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
at brilliant but erratic writer's poems in his first edition, that fact was regarded as conclusive evidence of a sectional bias even in literature. Inasmuch, however, as Poe was born in Boston, and received much of his fragmentary education at West Point, the criticism did but little harm to Dana or the book. It must be confessed, however, that a sharp review in one of the magazines had the merit of calling Dana's attention anew to the whole list of American poets, which resulted in the select the necessity of not being beaten by rivals. They also show the high esteem in which he held Mr. Carter as a correspondent, as a desirable contributor to the Cyclopaedia, and as a personal friend for whose son he had secured an appointment to West Point, but they throw no light on public affairs. The fact is that Dana was for the most part of his life far too busy a man to write many letters of mere friendship, or to dwell much upon personal or public matters in his business correspondence;
Europe (search for this): chapter 11
ord occupation for all Dana's energy and activity. It must have been early in 1848-as he was in Europe during the last half of that year — that he translated and published a small volume of German Sts one of the earliest, if not the actual forerunner, of a host which have since appeared both in Europe and America for the sepcial delectation of children. Four years later, in 1852, he edited andemarkable places and objects of all countries. It had already met with considerable success in Europe, and especially in Germany, and it was thought that it would be well received in this country. ortant addition to Dana's income. He had become a shareholder in the Tribune on his return from Europe in 1849, and his salary as managing editor had been increased first to twenty-five, then to fort the paper published an editorial in which it sail, with all the foresight of a seer: Our European advisers, who marvel that we do not let the revolted States go, and thus end the ruinous strife
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
; stand to our principles, but not to our arms, and all will yet be well. On December 8th: We gain avow our deliberate conviction that whenever six or eight contiguous States shall have formally seceded from the Union, it will not be found practicable to coerce them into subjection. On December 12th it said: We mean to be loyal to the Union, but we will hire nobody, bribe nobody, pay nobody, cajole nobody to remain in it. And now a firmer note is heard: The South Carolina secessionists openly proclaim their intention of treading the stars and stripes under foot. The only security the President can have that Fort Moultrie will not be violently seized upon is the presence of a force sufficient to protect it. After Major Anderson had transferred his little garrison from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, there follows, December 28, 1860, a word of warning as hard as adamant: Let us entreat all who meditate treason to pause ere it is too late, and avoid
Fort Donelson (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
une, and yet there was no positive break between Greeley and his managing editor. They continued on good, if not cordial terms, each doing his regular work to the end. They had concurred in praising McClellan's conduct in West Virginia, and in hailing his appointment to command and lead the Army of the Potomac. They apparently began to lose faith in him, to doubt his ability, and to chafe under his inactivity at the same time. They united in praising Grant's success at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, and might have consoled each other with the assurance that the policy of onward to victory was fully vindicated in the West, notwithstanding its failure in the East--that it was a question of leaders, rather than of theories — of relative readiness and resources, rather than of perfect organization and correct strategy. So far as can be ascertained, they had no differences as to the wisdom of removing Simon Cameron, or of appointing Edwin M. Stanton (January 13, 1862) as Secretary of W
France (France) (search for this): chapter 11
t, calls for a more decided activity on our side. If you can do anything in the emergency to reconcile our friends to the system of defence we are making, you will do a great good. I think ridicule, not pure argument, the most safe and effective way of disposing of it. To talk of the danger of war from it is just what the movers want us to do. The most effective, the only effective point of Mr. Toombs's reply to me was that when he perverted a remark of mine into a deprecation of war with France and England. It would be killed in an hour if we of the opposition could avow ourselves in favor of such a war. Faithfully yours, William H. Seward. In view of the fact that Seward remained to the date of the inauguration the acknowledged leader of the Free-soilers and Republicans in Congress, and afterwards, as Lincoln's most conspicuous rival for the presidency, was selected to fill the high office of Secretary of State, it may be fairly assumed that he had not changed his attitu
Fort Moultrie (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
pay nobody, cajole nobody to remain in it. And now a firmer note is heard: The South Carolina secessionists openly proclaim their intention of treading the stars and stripes under foot. The only security the President can have that Fort Moultrie will not be violently seized upon is the presence of a force sufficient to protect it. After Major Anderson had transferred his little garrison from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, there follows, December 28, 1860, a word of warning as hardFort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, there follows, December 28, 1860, a word of warning as hard as adamant: Let us entreat all who meditate treason to pause ere it is too late, and avoid at once the traitor's crime and his doom. On January 17, 1861: Stand firm! No compromise; no surrender of principle! No cowardly reversal of the great verdict of the sixth of November. Let us have the question of questions settled now and for all time! There can never be another opportunity so good as the present. Let us know once for all whether the slave power is really stronger th
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