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Boulogne (France) (search for this): chapter 6
guration of the new president, the personnel and character of his cabinet, and finally gave what is aptly designated as the balance-sheet of the revolution. In his astonishment at the enormous popular majority of Louis Napoleon, he declared that France has voted like a drunken man, and that many feared he would at once make himself emperor, but such an act of usurpation he dismissed as improbable, and if undertaken, no matter under what pretence, as sure to result in failure as did that at Boulogne. He believed that both the army and the great body of the people were true to the republic, and would support it against all its enemies whatsoever, and that there was at that time no reason to fear that the president-elect would accept the imperial crown if it were offered him. Besides, he suggested that with the formation of his cabinet and the establishment of his government on a working basis, M. Napoleon has his hands full without thinking immediately of putting on the crown of his un
Prague (Czech Republic) (search for this): chapter 6
en the workmen and the National Guard; and in his letter of the 17th, he gives a graphic account of the fighting and of the public funeral of those who were killed in the affray — of the orations which were delivered by the clergymen and representatives — of the quarrel between the king and those who favored the reduction of his powers — of the failure of the Assembly both there and at Frankfort-and of the threatened condition of affairs in Austria. He had intended to go through Bohemia and Prague to Vienna, to study the condition of affairs on the spot, but for some reason not explained changed his plans, and went directly to Frankfort-on-the-Main. He wrote two letters from there, both dated November 27th; the first related to the Prussian revolution, and gave a graphic account of the king's triumph, which was attributed largely to the cowardice of the armed burghers, especially of Berlin, and the incompetence of both the civil and military leaders. To this should be added the fea<
Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 6
sincerity summary of political situation returns to America Review of socialism Dana left Paris about October 6th, and arrived at Berlin shortly afterwards. His first letter from that place w and of the civil war in Hungary, he gave up his proposed trip to those regions, and returned to Paris, where he arrived December 6 or 7, 1848. The first letter after his arrival is dated December. The principle of co-operation is surely, I believe, supplanting that of competition. Here in Paris there are now in operation some fifty associations of workmen, and they are springing up in othe others are already brilliantly successful. In five years the greater part of the labor done in Paris will be so done that the workman will be his own master, and receive the full fruit of his toil.ere lent out to 32 associations, of which 19, receiving an aggregate of 590,000 francs, were at Paris. The rest were from the near-by country provinces. There were only 392 applications in all fro
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 6
ter 5: political studies abroad Dana visits Berlin Republican movement in Germany and Austria Louis Napoleon elected president of France doubts of his honesty and sincerity summary of pot throughout Germany. It indicates a close study of conditions not only in that country but in Austria-Hungary as well. In both, as in France, the people were arrayed against the nobility, for the ilure of the Assembly both there and at Frankfort-and of the threatened condition of affairs in Austria. He had intended to go through Bohemia and Prague to Vienna, to study the condition of affairsarity of the German people had been defeated for the present by the rivalry between Prussia and Austria and the distrust of the other principalities, order was not yet fully re-established. Italy anhensive allusion, in his final letter, to the inconclusive results realized in France, Germany, Austria, and Italy, and to the fact that the arrest of the revolution as a European movement had put an
Vienna (Wien, Austria) (search for this): chapter 6
he failure of the Assembly both there and at Frankfort-and of the threatened condition of affairs in Austria. He had intended to go through Bohemia and Prague to Vienna, to study the condition of affairs on the spot, but for some reason not explained changed his plans, and went directly to Frankfort-on-the-Main. He wrote two letake it impracticable to incorporate any of the provinces of that empire into the new German Federation. He gives a brief but an interesting account of affairs at Vienna and in the Danubian provinces, as reportedly by the newspapers, but owing to the continuance of the state of siege at Vienna, and of the civil war in Hungary, heVienna, and of the civil war in Hungary, he gave up his proposed trip to those regions, and returned to Paris, where he arrived December 6 or 7, 1848. The first letter after his arrival is dated December 10th, and the second December 14th. They relate to the parties, the candidates, and to the election of Louis Napoleon as the first president of France under the new co
France (France) (search for this): chapter 6
ut in Austria-Hungary as well. In both, as in France, the people were arrayed against the nobility,ever been under German authority. Here, as in France, Dana, speaking their language fluently, and mon of Louis Napoleon as the first president of France under the new constitution over Cavaignac the s throughout Europe, discussed the election in France, the inauguration of the new president, the per majority of Louis Napoleon, he declared that France has voted like a drunken man, and that many fen the crown of his uncle. He added: If France has voted for him-as it were in intoxication, t the time, and there was but little either in France or the rest of Europe upon which to base a forrywhere on the wane. Peace reigned throughout France, the long agony was over, and the new presidenetter, to the inconclusive results realized in France, Germany, Austria, and Italy, and to the fact r influence to induce the National Assembly of France to vote 3,000,000 francs in aid of such indust[1 more...]
Hungary (Hungary) (search for this): chapter 6
10th, and gave a general account of the republican movement throughout Germany. It indicates a close study of conditions not only in that country but in Austria-Hungary as well. In both, as in France, the people were arrayed against the nobility, for the abolition of unjust feudal rights and of unlimited power, for the establishs at Vienna and in the Danubian provinces, as reportedly by the newspapers, but owing to the continuance of the state of siege at Vienna, and of the civil war in Hungary, he gave up his proposed trip to those regions, and returned to Paris, where he arrived December 6 or 7, 1848. The first letter after his arrival is dated Decefeated for the present by the rivalry between Prussia and Austria and the distrust of the other principalities, order was not yet fully re-established. Italy and Hungary were still in a state of turmoil. The pope had not yet returned to the Vatican nor regained his freedom of action, and yet the revolution was everywhere on the w
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 6
Chapter 5: political studies abroad Dana visits Berlin Republican movement in Germany and Austria Louis Napoleon elected president of France doubts of his honesty and sincerity summary of political situation returns to America Review of socialism Dana left Paris about October 6th, and arrived at Berlin shortly afterwards. His first letter from that place was dated October 10th, and gave a general account of the republican movement throughout Germany. It indicates a close his own master, and receive the full fruit of his toil. This will settle the question for the whole of Europe. This concludes a series of letters far the most numerous and interesting Dana ever wrote, except those covering the Civil War in America. From the extracts incorporated into this narrative, which show him to have been at least a consummate reporter, it is evident that he was a spectator of many of the transactions which he described, that he was frequently admitted behind the sc
gness on the part of many to accept a constitutional throne as a sufficient guarantee of their personal and property rights. Dana indulged in the prophecy that Prussia, and with it Germany, must become a republic, but he did not venture to predict whether the change would be brought about peaceably or by revolution, nor how sooneciprocity. He considered the question of an elective or hereditary emperor for life or for a term of years, but came to the conclusion that the preponderance of Prussia over the other German states was so great that the king of that country would carry off the prize, and that Germany as a whole would gain nothing from the revolutlibrium. While the party of resistance had got control in Germany, and a solidarity of the German people had been defeated for the present by the rivalry between Prussia and Austria and the distrust of the other principalities, order was not yet fully re-established. Italy and Hungary were still in a state of turmoil. The pope h
letters he summarized the situation of political affairs throughout Europe, discussed the election in France, the inauguration of the new pres the time, and there was but little either in France or the rest of Europe upon which to base a forecast of history, the condition of public amore vigorous life, in all countries of Europe-even in England. European civilization is at a most important crisis. It has attained its mbetter things, or a new social order, are appearing. Has civilized Europe vitality enough to develop the new forms before it is crushed in th fruit of his toil. This will settle the question for the whole of Europe. This concludes a series of letters far the most numerous and ithe half-century or more which has elapsed since his first visit to Europe, it is evident that he wrote rather with regard to cause than to peiew of socialism, and of certain practical associative movements in Europe, in which he contended that the so-called Red Republicans, while so
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