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Mary Y. Cheney (search for this): chapter 6
odern socialists. Greeley was attracted by Sylvester Graham's dietetic doctrine that there is better food for man than the flesh of animals; that all stimulants, including tea and coffee, should be avoided; that bread should be made of unbolted flour, and that spices should not be used, and only the least possible salt. After hearing Graham lecture, he became an inmate of his boarding-house, where the table conformed to the new views, and it was there that he met his future wife, Miss Mary Y. Cheney, a native of Connecticut, who was teaching in North Carolina, and who was even more susceptible to new doctrines than was her husband. Greeley used no alcoholic liquors, did not care for tea, and had given up coffee when he found his hand trembling after partaking of it at an evening entertainment. He preferred meat, in after years, to hot bread, rancid butter, decayed fruit, and wilted vegetables, but always declared that, if we of this generation confined ourselves to a Graham die
Fry (search for this): chapter 6
Charles A. Dana, written while he was watching the Banks speakership contest in 1855-56,lZZZ give many pictures of him in the role of the editorial supervisor. One of these letters began thus: What would it cost to burn the Opera House? If the price is reasonable, have it done and send me the bill. . . . All Congress is disappointed and grieved at not seeing Pierce and Cushing demolished in the Tribune ... And now I see that you have crowded out the little I did send to make room for Fry's eleven columns of arguments as to the feasibility of sustaining the opera in New York if they would only play his compositions. I don't believe three hundred who take the Tribune care one chew of tobacco for the matter! Again he wrote: I shall have to quit here or die, unless you stop attacking people here without consulting me; and again: If you were to live fifty years and do nothing but good all the time, you could hardly atone for the mischief you have done by that article on
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 6
nd, although the last rider made the trip from New Haven in four hours and a half, a rival journal had had the news on the street for two hours before him. When Henry Clay delivered an important speech on the Mexican War, in Lexington, Ky., on November 13, 1847, the Tribune's report of it was carried to Cincinnati by horse expressa mile of the Tribune office, one experiment in Broome Street convincing the editor that that location was too far from his work. After his exertions in the great Clay campaign of 1844 the family took an old wooden house, surrounded by eight acres of land, on the East River, at Turtle Bay, nearly opposite Blackwell's Island. Marmay be learned by recalling the excitement caused by the act of 1816 increasing the pay of members (including those then in office) from $6 a day to $1,500 a year (Clay's vote for this bill nearly causing his defeat for reelection), and the outburst of denunciation of the Congress which, in 1873, passed the so-called salary grab
William Henry Frye (search for this): chapter 6
s columns, his associates, to the day of his death, took no unimportant part in the making of the paper. In his first chief assistant, Raymond, he secured one of the ablest journalists of the day — a man who recognized the value of news, who knew how to select capable subordinates, and how best to direct their efforts. Among other contributors and editorial assistants to whom the Tribune was indebted were Margaret Fuller, Bayard Taylor, George William Curtis, Edmund Quincy ( Byles ), William Henry Frye, Hildreth, the historian, and Charles T. Congdon. Charles A. Dana joined the staff in 1847, and remained with it, a larger part of the time as managing editor, until 1862. George Ripley began writing for it in 1861, and, outliving Greeley, gave to its literary columns for twenty years a reputation that was unrivaled. Sidney Howard Gay, who was so conscientious an abolitionist that he abandoned his plan of becoming a lawyer because he could not take the oath to sustain the Federal Co
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 6
bject. In minor points they met with some success, but when his mind was once made up, expediency was a futile argument with which to approach him. In a letter to Weed, dated February, 1842, after describing a sleepless night he had passed because of some of Weed's criticisms, he made this declaration of personal independence: Weed's criticisms, he made this declaration of personal independence: You have pleased, on several occasions, to take me to task for differing from you, however reluctantly and temperately, as though such conditions were an evidence, not merely of weakness on my part, but of some black ingratitude or heartless treachery .... I have given, I have ever been ready to give you, any service within my wrong a cause supported, or countenanced, by men like George Ripley, Charles A. Dana, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Parke Godwin. In February, 1841, Greeley wrote to Weed that he took a wrong view of the political bearing of the Fourier matter, explaining: Hitherto all the devotees of social reform of any kind have been regularly re
Pierce (search for this): chapter 6
orance against us. I saw From whence in your verse, too. Don't you think that is shocking-positively shocking? His letters to Charles A. Dana, written while he was watching the Banks speakership contest in 1855-56,lZZZ give many pictures of him in the role of the editorial supervisor. One of these letters began thus: What would it cost to burn the Opera House? If the price is reasonable, have it done and send me the bill. . . . All Congress is disappointed and grieved at not seeing Pierce and Cushing demolished in the Tribune ... And now I see that you have crowded out the little I did send to make room for Fry's eleven columns of arguments as to the feasibility of sustaining the opera in New York if they would only play his compositions. I don't believe three hundred who take the Tribune care one chew of tobacco for the matter! Again he wrote: I shall have to quit here or die, unless you stop attacking people here without consulting me; and again: If you were to li
Henry J. Raymond (search for this): chapter 6
his death, took no unimportant part in the making of the paper. In his first chief assistant, Raymond, he secured one of the ablest journalists of the day — a man who recognized the value of news, ation, or a combination of effort, instead of the present system of isolated households. Henry J. Raymond wrote to R. W. Griswold in 1841: Greeley got himself into a scrape by connecting himself wito a discussion of Fourierism, and its articles were written by Greeley's former assistant, Henry J. Raymond, who had joined its staff in 1843. Raymond denied that the condition of the laboring classRaymond denied that the condition of the laboring classes was as bad as the Fourierites pictured it, and called the new doctrines hostile to Christianity, to morality, and to conjugal constancy. After the close of this debate the Tribune practically dros naked for an attack on any worthy foe was an intellectual hero in thousands of eyes, and when Raymond started the Times in 1852 to supply a journal of political views similar to those advocated by
Sylvester Graham (search for this): chapter 6
than a ditcher) or on a firm and deep religious basis. In other words, the system as he took it up originally was a failure, and a scheme as he would have limited it would have been rejected by modern socialists. Greeley was attracted by Sylvester Graham's dietetic doctrine that there is better food for man than the flesh of animals; that all stimulants, including tea and coffee, should be avoided; that bread should be made of unbolted flour, and that spices should not be used, and only the least possible salt. After hearing Graham lecture, he became an inmate of his boarding-house, where the table conformed to the new views, and it was there that he met his future wife, Miss Mary Y. Cheney, a native of Connecticut, who was teaching in North Carolina, and who was even more susceptible to new doctrines than was her husband. Greeley used no alcoholic liquors, did not care for tea, and had given up coffee when he found his hand trembling after partaking of it at an evening entertai
R. W. Emerson (search for this): chapter 6
o-day the importance of the lecture platform when it was considered a sort of duty for educated men to have on hand a lecture or two which they were willing to read to any audience which was willing to ask them. Hale's Lowell and his friends. Emerson wrote to a friend in 1843, There is now a lyceum, so called, in almost every town in New England, and if I would accept an invitation I might read a lecture every night. But all lecturers were not expected to contribute their wisdom or entertaierage 1,200 in the early fifties. In a course of lectures delivered in Chicago in 1853, when its population was about 30,000, Greeley stood second as a drawing card, being only preceded by Bayard Taylor in a list which included John G. Saxe, R. W. Emerson, Theodore Parker, George William Curtis, Horace Mann, and E. P. Whipple. In 1848 Greeley was elected to Congress, for the only time in his career, accepting a nomination in the upper district of New York city, to fill a vacancy caused by
John Wentworth (search for this): chapter 6
age men had the upper hand of me, and I was told that a paper was drawn up for signatures to see how many would agree to stand by each other in voting my expulsion, but that the movement was crushed by a terse interrogatory remonstrance by Hon. John Wentworth, then a leading Democrat. Why, you blessed fools, warmly inquired long John, do you want to make him President? Wentworth's remark showed how strongly public feeling had shaped itself on Greeley's side of the main question. In one of Wentworth's remark showed how strongly public feeling had shaped itself on Greeley's side of the main question. In one of the debates in the House a speaker declared that he had not seen a single newspaper that did not approve of Greeley's course. How restive the public are regarding attempts of members of Congress to increase unduly their own emoluments may be learned by recalling the excitement caused by the act of 1816 increasing the pay of members (including those then in office) from $6 a day to $1,500 a year (Clay's vote for this bill nearly causing his defeat for reelection), and the outburst of denunciat
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