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Dallas, Ga. (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ht, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the next few years, the growing importance of the slavery question, as it was shaping itself in connection with Texas annexation; but he did not abandon the tariff as his favorite leading issue for the campaign of 1848. Polk's letter to John K. Kane, in 1844, in which he had declared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, together with the placing of Dallas on the ticket with him, taken a good deal of the protection wind out of the Whig sails, so that Greeley did not consider the result a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack on the protection policy; and a bill
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a notnd a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per cent on their value; the tariff of 1842 provided that iron, in this schedule, should pay so many dollars per ton. In 1846, Pennsylvania, in an off year, chose sixteen Whigs out of her nineteen Representatives in Congress, and the Whigs made encouraging gains in other important States. Greeley strongly favored
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s supporters anticipated (Clay looked for its speedy amendment), it was not made a live issue. We find the existing tariff law named in the New Yorker as one of the causes of the hard times of 1836-1837, the possibilities of silk culture in New York State set forth, and the objections of the Evening Post to a proposed State bounty of fifty cents a pound on silk produced in the State warmly combated. The compromise act provided for a reduction of all duties which exceeded 20 per cent under tUnited States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a note from the senior editor, in which he said: The cause of protecti
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
t bearing, his thrilling eloquence, and his lifelong devotion to what I [Greeley] deemed our country's unity, prosperity, and just renown. The Tribune early in the year had increased its size one-third and treated itself to a new dress (of type). As soon as the Clay ticket was in the field it issued a campaign weekly, called The Clay Tribune, fifteen subscriptions to which (for the campaign) cost only five dollars. Greeley never, probably, worked as he did in that year. His wife was in Massachusetts, and he spent most of his time in the office, scarcely giving himself opportunity to sleep. His contributions to the Tribune averaged three columns a day; he made as many as six speeches in some weeks, and he conducted (without the aid of a secretary) a large correspondence. Very often, he says in his Busy Life, I crept to my lodging near the office at 2 to 3 A. M. with my head so heated by fourteen to sixteen hours of incessant reading and writing that I could only win sleep by means
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
a statement of his tariff principles his work for Clay in 1844 its effect on his health desire to try the issue four years later Greeley's sympathies were always in favor of a protective tariff. He heard the hard times of his boyhood in New England attributed to the cheapness of English products; both the political parties in the presidential campaign of 1828, when he was an apprentice in the East Poultney office, professed devotion to protection, and speeches which he heard at a consults veto of the United States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a note from the senior editor, in which he said: The ca
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
rice it brings there as obtained from the countries nearest at hand, and which can produce it most cheaply. The British manufacturer would only be obliged to mark the price of his cloths 5 per cent below the wholesale price of the same grade in Illinois in order to control the cloth market in this country. The free-trader who sees in this only more cloth for the money for the American purchaser, overlooks the point that the American grain-producing purchaser must, under free trade, look abroad for a market for his surplus grain at the lowest world's price-in other words, while Illinois is making a quarter of a million dollars by buying her cloth where she can buy cheapest, she is losing nearly two million dollars on the net product of her grain. 4. The equilibrium between agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, which we need, can only be maintained by means of protective duties. It would not be wise to buy boots and hose and knives and forks in Europe at a cost below the home pr
llars on the net product of her grain. 4. The equilibrium between agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, which we need, can only be maintained by means of protective duties. It would not be wise to buy boots and hose and knives and forks in Europe at a cost below the home price when the facility of paying for them manufactured at home would be greater. 5. Protection is necessary And proper to sustain as well as to create a beneficent adjustment of our national industry. Under this hea were too long to continue the protection; protection should be afforded for the sake of all protective labor. Why not do without protection when, under the tariff, you can manufacture cheaper than you can buy abroad? Because, under free trade, Europe can at any time dump on us its surplus product, and so ruin our own markets. He did not admit the existence of any foreign markets for American goods, and said, If the American manufacturers can not make sales, the sheriff will and must. . . . W
Bayard Taylor (search for this): chapter 7
mocratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack on the protection policy; and a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per cent on their value; the tariff of 1842 provided that iron, in this schedule, should pay so many dollars per ton. In 1846, Pennsylvania, in an off year, chose sixteen Whigs out of her nineteen Representatives in Congress, and the Whigs made encouraging gains in other important States. Greeley strongly favored the nomination of Clay again in 1848, and another tariff campaign, but the convention named General Taylor.
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 7
s decidedly protective, but which Calhoun declared was passed more to make a political issue than to please the manufacturers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 7
ere was to be no distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the States so long as the tariff rate exceeded 20 per cent. The death of Harrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbittered, implacable enemy of the party which had raised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. The Tribune gave Tyler faithful support in the early part of his administration, even taking the view of only a minority of the Whigs in defending Webster's course in remaining in the Cabinet after his associates, at Clay's instigation, had resigned because of the President's veto of the United States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of
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