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July (search for this): chapter 2
ny references to him may be found in Mr. Adams's voluminous diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise, and his speeches on this and other subjects found their way into print. He worked hard in his profession, kept up his classical reading, and was making preparations to write a history of the United States, when he died suddenly of Asiatic cholera, October 1, 1835. I have carefully read some of his published addresses: a Fourth-of-July oration at Watertown in 1809, and one at Lexington in 1814; also an address before the American Peace Society in 1826. In all these there are the characteristics to be found in a thousand similar speeches of that period, together with some not so common. They are fervent, patriotic, florid; but there is also a certain exceptional flavor arising from the fact that, unlike nine tenths of those who made such addresses in New England, the speaker was a Republican--or, as men were beginning to s
1739 AD (search for this): chapter 2
ambridge, known in the obituaries of that period as the holy, heavenly, sweet-affecting and soul-ravishing Mr. Shepard. Thus guided and influenced, Lieutenant Fuller bought lands in Middleton, then a part of Salem, Mass.,--lands a portion of which is still in the possession of some of his descendants. He built a house there, but afterwards removed to Woburn, where he died. His son Jacob and his grandson Jacob succeeded him at Middleton, and a great-grandson, Timothy, was also born there in 1739, of whom more must be said. Timothy Fuller graduated at Harvard College in 1760, and his name, with that date, might long be seen upon the corner-stone of the building called Stoughton. He became a clergyman, was settled in Princeton, Mass., and differed from most of his parishioners in regarding the impending American Revolution as premature. He therefore preached a sermon to the minute-men, choosing for his text the passage, Let not him that girdeth on the harness boast himself as he t
1817 AD (search for this): chapter 2
n self-assertion, might have found to suggest antagonism in forty Fullers. Of a family thus gifted and thus opinionated, Timothy Fuller, Margaret Fuller's father, was the oldest, the most successful, and the most assured. He was born July 11, 1778, and received his father's name; graduated at Harvard College, with the second honors of his class, in 1801 ; was at different times a member of various branches of the state government of Massachusetts; and was a representative in Congress from 1817 to 1825. He was in politics a Jeffersonian Democrat, was chairman of the House committee on naval affairs, and was a warm supporter of John Quincy Adams for the presidency. Many references to him may be found in Mr. Adams's voluminous diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise, and his speeches on this and other subjects found their way into print. He worked hard in his profession, kept up his classical reading, and was making prepar
1825 AD (search for this): chapter 2
ssertion, might have found to suggest antagonism in forty Fullers. Of a family thus gifted and thus opinionated, Timothy Fuller, Margaret Fuller's father, was the oldest, the most successful, and the most assured. He was born July 11, 1778, and received his father's name; graduated at Harvard College, with the second honors of his class, in 1801 ; was at different times a member of various branches of the state government of Massachusetts; and was a representative in Congress from 1817 to 1825. He was in politics a Jeffersonian Democrat, was chairman of the House committee on naval affairs, and was a warm supporter of John Quincy Adams for the presidency. Many references to him may be found in Mr. Adams's voluminous diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise, and his speeches on this and other subjects found their way into print. He worked hard in his profession, kept up his classical reading, and was making preparations t
1814 AD (search for this): chapter 2
diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise, and his speeches on this and other subjects found their way into print. He worked hard in his profession, kept up his classical reading, and was making preparations to write a history of the United States, when he died suddenly of Asiatic cholera, October 1, 1835. I have carefully read some of his published addresses: a Fourth-of-July oration at Watertown in 1809, and one at Lexington in 1814; also an address before the American Peace Society in 1826. In all these there are the characteristics to be found in a thousand similar speeches of that period, together with some not so common. They are fervent, patriotic, florid; but there is also a certain exceptional flavor arising from the fact that, unlike nine tenths of those who made such addresses in New England, the speaker was a Republican--or, as men were beginning to say, a Democrat--and not a Federalist. He does not appear i
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 2
made such addresses in New England, the speaker was a Republican--or, as men were beginning to say, a Democrat--and not a Federalist. He does not appear in these addresses as a bitter partisan; he is as ready to praise Washington and Adams as Jefferson and Madison; but he never mentions Hamilton and Jay, and seems by implication to condemn the policy of the one, and the treaty with which the name of the other is still identified. Nor does he take sides with Napoleon Bonaparte, as the Federalhat Timothy Fuller was capable of doing some justice to opponents is evident in the tribute which he pays, as a lawyer, to the integrity of the British admiralty courts even in time of war. When we consider how hard it was for the disciples of Jefferson to admit that anything good could come out of England, we are justified, I think, in attributing to Timothy Fuller a certain candor as well as independence of mind, in writing thus:-- During the late wars in Europe, in which Great Britain
Hamilton (search for this): chapter 2
ar speeches of that period, together with some not so common. They are fervent, patriotic, florid; but there is also a certain exceptional flavor arising from the fact that, unlike nine tenths of those who made such addresses in New England, the speaker was a Republican--or, as men were beginning to say, a Democrat--and not a Federalist. He does not appear in these addresses as a bitter partisan; he is as ready to praise Washington and Adams as Jefferson and Madison; but he never mentions Hamilton and Jay, and seems by implication to condemn the policy of the one, and the treaty with which the name of the other is still identified. Nor does he take sides with Napoleon Bonaparte, as the Federalists charged the Democrats with doing, while he condemns, in a really striking and felicitous passage, the selfish motives of the Allied Powers in crushing him:-- At length the mighty warrior is prostrate; his proud trophies, the spoils of so many vanquished princes, are leveled with the d
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 2
in Congress from 1817 to 1825. He was in politics a Jeffersonian Democrat, was chairman of the House committee on naval affairs, and was a warm supporter of John Quincy Adams for the presidency. Many references to him may be found in Mr. Adams's voluminous diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposeMr. Adams's voluminous diary. Inheriting anti-slavery principles on both sides, he warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise, and his speeches on this and other subjects found their way into print. He worked hard in his profession, kept up his classical reading, and was making preparations to write a history of the United States, when he died suddenly of Asiatic cholera, October 1, 1835. I have carefully read some of his pus men were beginning to say, a Democrat--and not a Federalist. He does not appear in these addresses as a bitter partisan; he is as ready to praise Washington and Adams as Jefferson and Madison; but he never mentions Hamilton and Jay, and seems by implication to condemn the policy of the one, and the treaty with which the name of
Madison (search for this): chapter 2
to be found in a thousand similar speeches of that period, together with some not so common. They are fervent, patriotic, florid; but there is also a certain exceptional flavor arising from the fact that, unlike nine tenths of those who made such addresses in New England, the speaker was a Republican--or, as men were beginning to say, a Democrat--and not a Federalist. He does not appear in these addresses as a bitter partisan; he is as ready to praise Washington and Adams as Jefferson and Madison; but he never mentions Hamilton and Jay, and seems by implication to condemn the policy of the one, and the treaty with which the name of the other is still identified. Nor does he take sides with Napoleon Bonaparte, as the Federalists charged the Democrats with doing, while he condemns, in a really striking and felicitous passage, the selfish motives of the Allied Powers in crushing him:-- At length the mighty warrior is prostrate; his proud trophies, the spoils of so many vanquished
1812 AD (search for this): chapter 2
heaven. Address,July 4, 1814, p. 20. True to the anti-slavery traditions of his father and grandfather, Timothy Fuller pointed out, as early as 1809, that the Constitution manifested a temporary indulgence to a system which it nevertheless reprehends in the Southern States, -yet he found in this concession a masterpiece of skill, although, as has been said, his own father had voted against the instrument on this very ground. He was faithful in denouncing, three years before the war of 1812, those English outrages in the way of search and impressment for which the Federalists mistakenly apologized; and if he was so hopeful as to assert, without qualification, None but just wars can ever be waged by a free country, we can pardon something to republican zeal. Like other Americans in that day, he found a hero in Bolivar; and he held up Napoleon Bonaparte with some vigor as a warning to that popular leader:-- Should Bolivar, so much admired, so much applauded, so often dignif
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