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Human Rights (search for this): chapter 15
nly, no better than sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal, which does not recognize, on every occasion, the supremacy of Human Rights, and which is not ready to do and to suffer in their behalf. Here also are men, who have come out of the Whig party, ly revolting at its recent sinister course with regard to the cause of Freedom; believing all that, in any devotion to Human Rights, they cannot err. Here also, in solid legion, is the well-tried band of the Liberty Party, to whom belongs the praise ndependent, permanent, under the name of the Free Democracy. Thus in our very designation expressing our devotion to Human Rights, and especially to Human Freedom. Professing honestly the same sentiments, wherever we exist, in all parts of the c to be neutral in this contest. Such was not the temper of their fathers. In such a contest neutrality is treason to Human Rights. In questions merely political, an honest man may stand neuter; but what true heart can be neuter, when the distinct
Gouverneur Morris (search for this): chapter 15
e subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. It is evident, from a perusal of the debates on the Federal Constitution, that Slavery, like the slave trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many that they would both disappear together. Nor do any words employed in our day denounce it with an indignation more burning than that which glowed on the lips of the fathers. Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, said in Convention, that he would never concur in upholding domestic slavery. It is a nefarious institution. In another mood, and with mild judicial phrase, Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of property in man. And Washington, in a letter written near this period, says, with a frankness worthy of imitation, There is but one proper and effectual mode by which the abolition of slavery can be accomplished, and that is by legislative action
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 15
a voice could be heard once more from Georgia! The spirit of Virginia is spoken of, as it found expression through Jefferson, who by his precocious and immortal words against slavery, enrolled himself among the earliest Abolitionists of the coues on his own soul, is compelled to share the degradation to which he dooms his fellow-man. He must be a prodigy, says Jefferson, who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And this is not all. The whole social fabric of its generous supporters—of all who had written or spoken in its behalf—that it is not going too far to say, that if Jefferson, or Franklin, or Washington could have descended from their spheres above, and revisited the country which they had nobirit, whose chief home is at the South, that has obtained the control of the Government. As well might it be said that Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were sectional, and against the South. It is true that at present a large portion of the p
Cass (search for this): chapter 15
as cheap postage; the abolition of all Unnecessary offices and salaries; the election of civil officers, as far as practicable, by the people; the improvement of rivers and harbors, and a general Homestead Law for actual settlers. But these were all of a subordinate character. The administration of Gen. Taylor having now commenced, its Pro-slavery character was severely exposed, in the following passage: In support of these principles, we felt it our duty to oppose the election of General Cass and General Taylor—both of them being brought forward under the influence of the Slave Power; the first, as openly pledged against the Wilmot Proviso, and the second, as a large slaveholder and recent purchaser of slaves, who was not known, by any acts or declared opinions, to be hostile in any way to Slavery, or even against its extension, and who, from his position, and from the declarations of many of his friends and neighbors, was supposed to be friendly to that institution. General
1775 AD (search for this): chapter 15
e found in the largest numbers in the Southern States. But the spirit of Freedom was then abroad in the land. The fathers of the Republic, leaders in the War of Independence, were struck with the impious inconsistency of an appeal for their own liberties while holding in bondage their fellowmen, guilty of a skin not colored like their own. In private and in public they did not hesitate to bear their testimony against the atrocity. The following resolution, passed at Darien, in Georgia, in 1775, and preserved in the American Archives, (Vol. I., 4th series, p. 1134,) speaks, in tones worthy of freemen, the sentiments of the time: We, therefore, the representatives of the extensive district of Darien, in the Colony of Georgia, having now assembled in Congress, by authority and free choice of the inhabitants of the said District, now freed from their fetters, do resolve;—To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives, but by a general philanthropy
May 13th (search for this): chapter 15
the Southern States and from South America. In support of this last statement numerous authorities might be adduced. It is stated that a member of Congress from Tennessee has recently declared, that, within his own knowledge, there would be taken to California, during the summer just passed, from ten to twelve thousand slaves. And another person states, from reliable evidence, that whole families are moving with their slaves from Tennessee, Arkansas, and Missouri. Mr. Rowe, under date of May 13, at Independence, Mo., on his way to the Pacific, writes to the paper, of which he was recently the editor, the Belfast Journal, Maine,—I have seen as many as a dozen teams going along with their families of slaves. And Mr. Boggs, once Governor of Missouri, now a resident of California, is quoted as writing to a friend at home as follows,—If your sons will bring out two or three negroes, who can cook and attend at a hotel, your brother will pay cash for them at a good profit, and take it a
1848 AD (search for this): chapter 15
Xi. The National and State elections of 1848 had come and gone. The Free-soil Party, which was afterwards to control the government, and give an entirely new direction to public affairs, was slowly forming, and where-ever the great issues were made and met, the friends of Freedom had been steadily gaining ground. Strange as it may seem, the hardest work in this great battle had to be fought in Massachusetts, where Mr. Sumner was the acknowledged leader of the Liberal host. Clothed with no official dignity or power, to give prestige to his words or actions, he was already commanding a national influence which made every speech delivered in Massachusetts effective far beyond the bounds of the State. John Quincy Adams had died at his post, the last undismayed champion of the Revolutionary school of Freedom, his heart still burning with the love of liberty, and the eloquent utterances of freedom still fresh from his lips. But his son, Charles Francis, had already come forward in
1788 AD (search for this): chapter 15
ceded or to be ceded by the States of the Federal Government, and including the territory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a subsequent day by a son of Massachusetts, and in 1787 was finally confirmed, in the Ordinance of the North-Western Territory, by a unanimous vote of the States and their respective delegates. The same spirit is discerned in the Federal Constitution which was adopted in 1788, where express provision was made for the abolition of the slave-trade, the discreditable words slave and slavery being allowed no place in that sacred instrument; while a clause subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. It is evident, from a perusal of the debates on the Federal Constitution, that Slavery, like the slave trade, was regarded as temporary; and it seems to have been supposed by many t
1787 AD (search for this): chapter 15
alienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And again, in the Congress of the Confederation, he brought forward, as early as 1784, a resolution to exclude Slavery from all the territory ceded or to be ceded by the States of the Federal Government, and including the territory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a subsequent day by a son of Massachusetts, and in 1787 was finally confirmed, in the Ordinance of the North-Western Territory, by a unanimous vote of the States and their respective delegates. The same spirit is discerned in the Federal Constitution which was adopted in 1788, where express provision was made for the abolition of the slave-trade, the discreditable words slave and slavery being allowed no place in that sacred instrument; while a clause subsequently added, specifically declared that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty o
1784 AD (search for this): chapter 15
est Abolitionists of the country. In the Declaration of Independence he embodied sentiments, which, when practically applied, will give Freedom to every Slave throughout the land. We hold these truths to be self-evident, says our country speaking by his voice, that all men are created equal—that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights—that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And again, in the Congress of the Confederation, he brought forward, as early as 1784, a resolution to exclude Slavery from all the territory ceded or to be ceded by the States of the Federal Government, and including the territory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a subsequent day by a son of Massachusetts, and in 1787 was finally confirmed, in the Ordinance of the North-Western Territory, by a unanimous vote of the States and their respective delegates. The same spirit is dis
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