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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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of Dominica, and with this object in view, on the 5th of December, 1870, in his annual message, he had said: I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States have entirely abandoned the project of accepting as a part of its territory, the Island of San Domingo, a free port will be negotiated for by European powers, in the Bay of Samana; and ringing some changes upon the Monroe doctrine, he manifested a strong wish to have something effectual done on the subject. On the 12th of the month, Mr. Morton offered Resolutions authorizing the President to appoint three Commissioners, and a Secretary, to proceed to the Island, to obtain all sorts of information, etc., and report. When the matter came up, Mr. Sumner, who comprehended the whole subject better than any man in either House, moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Executive business; and he spoke against the whole annexation scheme. He began by saying: Mr. President,—The resolution before the
nder Constitutions made by themselves, and approved by Congress; and once more their civil powers were administered by citizens of their own choice. The giant form of the Rebellion was fast moving into the dim past, and a new vista of progress and splendor was opening to the advancing Republic. Early in the year, the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution had been ratified by the necessary number of States, twentynine having voted for it. The announcement of the result was made on the 30th of March, by a message from the President, and a bill was at once introduced, and speedily passed, to secure freedom of suffrage to the whole Colored population of every State in the Union. It was vain any longer in Congress to oppose the enactment; outside of Congress all opposition was known to be unavailing. The final decision of a great Nation was clothed with a solemnity of sanction which transcended that of any divinity which ever hedged a king. The public joy in the capital was manif
t then? The resources of the Confederacy were utterly exhausted. Of the 150,000 men whose names were borne on its muster-rolls a few weeks ago, at least one-third were already disabled or prisoners, and the residue could neither be clad nor fed — not to dream of their being fitly armed or paid; while the resources of the loyal States were scarcely touched, their ranks nearly or quite as full as ever, and their supply of ordnance, small-arms, munitions, etc., more ample than in any previous April. Of the million or so borne on our muster-rolls, probably not less than half were then in active service, with half so many more able to take the field at short notice. The Rebellion had failed and gone down; but the Rebel Army of Virginia and its commander had not failed. Fighting sternly against the Inevitable—against the irrepressible tendencies, the generous aspirations of the age—they had been proved unable to succeed where success would have been a calamity to their children, to the<
ght of suffrage, might be accorded to that vast Colored population, who had so recently come out from the house of bondage:—but, above all, without a trace of bitterness or resentment towards the late enemies of the Republic, he expressed an anxious wish that those States should be restored to all the functions of self-government, and equal power in the Union, at the earliest moment that might be consistent with the integrity, safety, and tranquillity of the nation. Iii. The next day, April 12, the telegraph flashed through the country an order from the War Department, to put a stop to all drafting and recruiting for our armies, the purchase of arms, munitions, and provisions of war, the reduction in number of Generals and Staff officers, and the instant removal of all military restrictions on commerce and trade. It happened to be just four years after the surrender of Fort Sumter by Major Anderson, and a crowd of loyal citizens had sailed down to Charleston, to raise over th
unter that worst of all obstacles,—indifference—which it was impossible to overcome. Upon a direct vote, as a matter of principle, none of the friends of the three grand Amendments to the Constitution would have pretended to argue; and all objections urged were either confessedly futile, or totally unworthy of the spirit of Congress that had achieved so much for humanity, and for the elevation of the Colored race. A Colored National Convention assembled in New Orleans in 1872, on the 15th of April. There were many able delegates in that body, and their proceedings were marked with high intelligence, calm deliberation, and maturity of judgment. The following letter was read from Mr. Sumner, and received with the profoundest respect and many demonstrations of admiration and gratitude: Washington, April 7, 1872. my Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry, I make haste to say that, in my judgment, the Colored Convention should think more of principles than of men, except so fa
September 27th (search for this): chapter 235
d Congress to the policy of its annexation. He foresaw that the country would suffer in its good name; that the negotiation for annexation was begun with a person known as Buenaventura Baez, whom official and unofficial evidence showed to be a political jockey; that it was a scheme which would be attended with violence towards Dominica and violence towards Hayti. Xxi. A convention of delegates representing the Negro population of the country had been held in St. Louis, on the 27th of September, which, among other Resolutions, passed one asking all the State Legislatures to enact a compulsory law compelling all children between seven and twelve years of age to attend school. Another Convention representing all the Negro population in the late slave-holding States, was held at Columbia, South Carolina, on the 24th of October. It was a manly and noble address which the delegates adopted to be sent out to the people of the United States, a portion of which was as follows:—
October 24th (search for this): chapter 235
a and violence towards Hayti. Xxi. A convention of delegates representing the Negro population of the country had been held in St. Louis, on the 27th of September, which, among other Resolutions, passed one asking all the State Legislatures to enact a compulsory law compelling all children between seven and twelve years of age to attend school. Another Convention representing all the Negro population in the late slave-holding States, was held at Columbia, South Carolina, on the 24th of October. It was a manly and noble address which the delegates adopted to be sent out to the people of the United States, a portion of which was as follows:— While we have, as a body, contributed our labor in the past to enhance the wealth and promote the welfare of the community, we have as a class been deprived of one of the chief benefits to be derived from industry, namely, the acquisition of education and experience, the return that civilization makes for the labor of the individual.
bration, strongly urging that it should be made simply a National, and not an International affair—fearing it would be attended with corruption, and end in failure; and in doing so, he laid down the following propositions, which he commended to the attention of the Senate and the country, and which he intended subsequently to enforce by further argument: The Centennial celebration of 1876 should be first and foremost, and I think it scarcely too much to say, only a grateful vindication of 1776. It should be severely and grandly simple, not ostentatious or boastful. It should be inexpensive, for a thousand obvious reasons; but, above all, because it does not become a nation any more than an individual on the verge of bankruptcy to be extravagant, especially at the moment when the attention of the world is invited to the study and imitation of her methods of management. It should be national and not provincial. It should be so conducted that all, and not a few only, can par
o aid emancipation, the 38th Congress decreed that every slave mustered into the military service shall be free forever; thus enabling every slave fit for military service to secure personal freedom. By the provisions of the fugitive-slave acts, slave hunters could hunt their absconding bondmen, require the people to aid in their recapture, and have them returned at the expense of the nation. The 38th Congress erased all fugitive-slave acts from the statutes of the Republic. The law of 1807 legalized the coastwise slave-trade: the 38th Congress repealed that act, and made the trade illegal. The courts of the United States receive such testimony as is permitted in the States where the courts are holden. Several of the States exclude the testimony of Colored persons. The 38th Congress made it legal for Colored persons to testify in all the courts of the United States. Different views are entertained by public men relative to the reconstruction of the governments of the sec
l and moral instruction to fit and prepare the enfranchised freedmen for the duties of the higher condition of life now opening before them. Ix. The death of Lincoln carried Andrew Johnson to the Presidential office. The result proved how foolish, if not how fatal, is the policy of political parties who are guided more by present availability than by profound sagacity, or high principle, in the choice of candidates. This had proved true on two former occasions with the Whig party. In 1840 they had nominated for the Presidency a most respectable, pure, and patriotic man, who was so far in the decline of life and vigor, that his little remaining strength soon gave way to the worry and pressure of the occasion; and for the Vice-Presidency, a man who was conspicuously destitute of every qualification necessary for the station he was called upon to fill. His administration ended in lamentable failure for himself, and in humiliation to his party. The same policy prevailed in the n
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