hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Charles Sumner 1,590 8 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 850 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 692 0 Browse Search
Kansas (Kansas, United States) 400 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 360 0 Browse Search
Europe 232 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 206 0 Browse Search
John Lothrop Motley 200 0 Browse Search
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) 188 0 Browse Search
Missouri (Missouri, United States) 188 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

Found 266 total hits in 85 results.

... 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 235
so long and so bravely to subvert and destroy. Ii. The day after the fall of Richmond, Mr. Lincoln visited the Capital of the late Confederacy, so recently and suddenly abandoned by its fugitind the left ear, and lodging the ball, after traversing the brain, just behind the right eye. Mr. Lincoln's head fell slightly forward, his eyes closed, but he uttered no word or cry; and though lifor of the Union, and the Deliverer of the African race. From no lips could the eulogy of Abraham Lincoln fall so gracefully, as from Charles Sumner's: In the universe of God there are no accid for the duties of the higher condition of life now opening before them. Ix. The death of Lincoln carried Andrew Johnson to the Presidential office. The result proved how foolish, if not how f who nominated Andrew Johnson for the Vice-Presidency, few ever thought of the contingency of Mr. Lincoln's death. But there must have been members enough in the Convention fully aware of the entire
Emancipation Proclamation (search for this): chapter 235
ds of freedmen upon the charity of the nation: to relieve their immediate needs, and to aid them through the transition period, the 38th Congress established a Bureau of Freedmen. The prohibition of slavery in the Territories, its abolition in the District of Columbia, the freedom of Colored soldiers, their wives and children, emancipation in Maryland, West Virginia, and Missouri, and by the reorganized State authorities of Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana, and the President's Emancipation Proclamation, disorganized the slave system, and practically left few persons in bondage; but slavery still continued in Delaware and Kentucky, and the slave codes remain unrepealed in the Rebel States. To annihilate the slave system, its codes and usages; to make slavery impossible, and freedom universal—the 38th Congress submitted to the people the anti-slavery amendment to the Constitution of the United States. The adoption of that crowning measure assures freedom to all. Viii. Such
Gibbon (search for this): chapter 235
ught through the War together. I have done the best that I could for you. There were few dry eyes among those who witnessed the scene; and our soldiers hastened to divide their rations with their late enemies, now fellow-countrymen, to stay their hunger until provisions from our trains could be drawn for them. Then, while most of our army returned to Burkesville, and thence, a few days later, to Petersburg and Richmond, the work of paroling went on, under the guardianship of Griffin's and Gibbon's infantry, with McKenzie's cavalry; and, so fast as paroled, the Confederates took their way severally to their respective homes: many of them supplied with transportation, as well as food, by the government they had fought so long and so bravely to subvert and destroy. Ii. The day after the fall of Richmond, Mr. Lincoln visited the Capital of the late Confederacy, so recently and suddenly abandoned by its fugitive chief. Being recognized by the Black population as he entered Richm
Reverdy Johnson (search for this): chapter 235
icipated, and over all of which he cast the illumination of his learning, enforced by the power of his eloquence. Xii. In one respect—and perhaps in others—sufficient justice has not been done to Andrew Johnson's motives, for he gave no evidence of corruption in office; and with all his imperfections, he never displayed any lack of patriotism. But we speak specially in reference to his efforts to terminate our complications with Great Britain, by a final treaty, and appointing Mr. Reverdy Johnson, a learned, venerable, and high-minded gentleman, Minister to England for this purpose. The prospect seemed to be fair that our perplexing difficulties with England would find a termination; but in the opinion of the people of the country, as well as of the Senate, the envoy made a failure in his efforts, for the Johnson-Clarendon Treaty, whatever it may have meant, was unanimously rejected by the Senate. It was on this occasion that Mr. Sumner pronounced that exhaustive argument in
1776 AD (search for this): chapter 235
bration, strongly urging that it should be made simply a National, and not an International affair—fearing it would be attended with corruption, and end in failure; and in doing so, he laid down the following propositions, which he commended to the attention of the Senate and the country, and which he intended subsequently to enforce by further argument: The Centennial celebration of 1876 should be first and foremost, and I think it scarcely too much to say, only a grateful vindication of 1776. It should be severely and grandly simple, not ostentatious or boastful. It should be inexpensive, for a thousand obvious reasons; but, above all, because it does not become a nation any more than an individual on the verge of bankruptcy to be extravagant, especially at the moment when the attention of the world is invited to the study and imitation of her methods of management. It should be national and not provincial. It should be so conducted that all, and not a few only, can par
May 12th, 1870 AD (search for this): chapter 235
s not less beneficial than complete. * * Who then can hesitate? Look at it in any light which you please. Regard it as the completion of these reconstruction measures; regard it as a constitutional enactment; regard it as a measure of expediency in order to secure those results which we all desire at the approaching elections; and who can hesitate? You have had no bill before you for a long time, the passage of which would be of more practical advantage than this. Xiv. On the 12th of May, 1870, Mr. Sumner introduced his Civil Rights Supplement; and in doing so, said that the passage of the Bill would render further legislation on the subject unnecessary. It declares all citizens of the United States, without distinction of race and color, entitled to equal and impartial enjoyment of accommodation, advantage, facility or privilege afforded by common carriers on railroads, steamboats, or other public conveyance; in hotels, licensed theatres and other houses of public entertain
April 15th (search for this): chapter 235
unter that worst of all obstacles,—indifference—which it was impossible to overcome. Upon a direct vote, as a matter of principle, none of the friends of the three grand Amendments to the Constitution would have pretended to argue; and all objections urged were either confessedly futile, or totally unworthy of the spirit of Congress that had achieved so much for humanity, and for the elevation of the Colored race. A Colored National Convention assembled in New Orleans in 1872, on the 15th of April. There were many able delegates in that body, and their proceedings were marked with high intelligence, calm deliberation, and maturity of judgment. The following letter was read from Mr. Sumner, and received with the profoundest respect and many demonstrations of admiration and gratitude: Washington, April 7, 1872. my Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry, I make haste to say that, in my judgment, the Colored Convention should think more of principles than of men, except so fa
April 7th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 235
Congress that had achieved so much for humanity, and for the elevation of the Colored race. A Colored National Convention assembled in New Orleans in 1872, on the 15th of April. There were many able delegates in that body, and their proceedings were marked with high intelligence, calm deliberation, and maturity of judgment. The following letter was read from Mr. Sumner, and received with the profoundest respect and many demonstrations of admiration and gratitude: Washington, April 7, 1872. my Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry, I make haste to say that, in my judgment, the Colored Convention should think more of principles than of men, except so far as men may stand for principles. Above all, let them insist on the rights of their own much-abused and insulted people. It is absurd for anybody to say that he accepts the situation, and then deny the equal rights of the colored man. If the situation is accepted in good faith, it must be entirely, including not merely the
October 21st, 1871 AD (search for this): chapter 235
ficiency at the South. It is clearly the interest of the great industries of the North to strengthen themselves by alliance with those at the South. This result would be practicable to the fullest extent, if those of our color throughout the North could be placed in a position to bring among us the best knowledge and skill in the departments of trade to which they belong. Xxii. During the session of this Convention, the following letter from Mr. Sumner was read: Boston, October 21, 1871. Dear Sir: I am glad that our colored fellow-citizens are to have a convention of their own. So long as they are excluded from rights, or suffer in any way, on account of color, they will naturally meet together in order to find a proper remedy, and, since you kindly invite me to communicate with the convention, I make bold to offer a few brief suggestions. In the first place, you must at all times insist upon your rights, and here I mean not only those already accorded, but othe
1876 AD (search for this): chapter 235
Xxv. His last speech in the Senate—the Friday before his death—was on the subject of the Centennial Celebration, strongly urging that it should be made simply a National, and not an International affair—fearing it would be attended with corruption, and end in failure; and in doing so, he laid down the following propositions, which he commended to the attention of the Senate and the country, and which he intended subsequently to enforce by further argument: The Centennial celebration of 1876 should be first and foremost, and I think it scarcely too much to say, only a grateful vindication of 1776. It should be severely and grandly simple, not ostentatious or boastful. It should be inexpensive, for a thousand obvious reasons; but, above all, because it does not become a nation any more than an individual on the verge of bankruptcy to be extravagant, especially at the moment when the attention of the world is invited to the study and imitation of her methods of management. <
... 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9