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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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January 20th, 1871 AD (search for this): chapter 235
utions of learning authorized by law; church institutions, incorporated either by National or State authority; also on juries in all courts, both National and State. It subjects any one violating, or inciting to violation of its provisions, to payment of $500 to the person aggrieved, and imprisonment, and a further fine of from $500 to $1,000. When the violation is committed by a corporation, the penalty to be forfeiture of charter. He introduced substantially the same Bill on the 20th of January, 1871,—the one which he commended so earnestly to his friend Judge Hoar, with almost his dying breath. Xv. In the debate on the Amnesty Bill,—December 20th, 1871,—he used the following language on justice to the Colored race everywhere: We have all heard of the old saying, Let us be just before we are generous. I do not like to be against anything that may seem to be generous; but I do insist always upon justice; and now that it is proposed to be generous to those who were engage<
he seemed to encounter that worst of all obstacles,—indifference—which it was impossible to overcome. Upon a direct vote, as a matter of principle, none of the friends of the three grand Amendments to the Constitution would have pretended to argue; and all objections urged were either confessedly futile, or totally unworthy of the spirit of Congress that had achieved so much for humanity, and for the elevation of the Colored race. A Colored National Convention assembled in New Orleans in 1872, on the 15th of April. There were many able delegates in that body, and their proceedings were marked with high intelligence, calm deliberation, and maturity of judgment. The following letter was read from Mr. Sumner, and received with the profoundest respect and many demonstrations of admiration and gratitude: Washington, April 7, 1872. my Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry, I make haste to say that, in my judgment, the Colored Convention should think more of principles than of
of Dominica, and with this object in view, on the 5th of December, 1870, in his annual message, he had said: I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States have entirely abandoned the project of accepting as a part of its territory, the Island of San Domingo, a free port will be negotiated for by European powers, in the Bay of Samana; and ringing some changes upon the Monroe doctrine, he manifested a strong wish to have something effectual done on the subject. On the 12th of the month, Mr. Morton offered Resolutions authorizing the President to appoint three Commissioners, and a Secretary, to proceed to the Island, to obtain all sorts of information, etc., and report. When the matter came up, Mr. Sumner, who comprehended the whole subject better than any man in either House, moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Executive business; and he spoke against the whole annexation scheme. He began by saying: Mr. President,—The resolution before the
l and moral instruction to fit and prepare the enfranchised freedmen for the duties of the higher condition of life now opening before them. Ix. The death of Lincoln carried Andrew Johnson to the Presidential office. The result proved how foolish, if not how fatal, is the policy of political parties who are guided more by present availability than by profound sagacity, or high principle, in the choice of candidates. This had proved true on two former occasions with the Whig party. In 1840 they had nominated for the Presidency a most respectable, pure, and patriotic man, who was so far in the decline of life and vigor, that his little remaining strength soon gave way to the worry and pressure of the occasion; and for the Vice-Presidency, a man who was conspicuously destitute of every qualification necessary for the station he was called upon to fill. His administration ended in lamentable failure for himself, and in humiliation to his party. The same policy prevailed in the n
May 31st, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 235
r from Mississippi (Mr. Alcorn) in the generosity that he proposes; but I do implore him to unite with me in justice to his own constituents. Treat the two together; put them both in the same bill; pass them by a two-thirds vote, and let the country see how grandly unanimous we are in an act which is at once generous and just, full of generosity, the noblest generosity, the grandest magnanimity in human history, and full, also, of simple justice. Xvi. In the United States Senate, May 31, 1872, in speaking of the Presidency as a trust, and the Republicans as being a personal party, he used this language, which alienated him pretty effectually from that great organization: To the Republican party, devoted to ideas and principles, I turn now with more than ordinary solicitude. Not willingly can I see it sacrificed. Not without earnest effort against the betrayal, can I suffer its ideas and principles to be lost in the personal pretensions of one man. Both the old parties ar
rovoking antagonism and keeping alive the separation of races. Above all there must be no intimidation, but every voter must act freely, without constraint from league or lodge. Much better will it be when two political parties compete for your vote, each anxious for your support. Only then will that citizenship by which you are entitled to the equal rights of all, have its full fruits. Only then will there be that harmony which is essential to a true civilization. XVIII. The year 1870 witnessed a series of astounding convulsions in Europe, the record of which, even while they were taking place, seemed to transcend in magnitude any preceding revolutions, partaking more of the dreams of romance, than the sober transactions of history. The resistless march of the great German armies into the heart of France; the capture, in rapid succession of her fortified cities and army corps; the overthrow of the throne of Napoleon III. and the imprisonment of its Emperor; the final occ
December 5th, 1870 AD (search for this): chapter 235
as you have at heart the education of your children, that they should grow up in that knowledge of equal rights, so essential for their protection to the world, it is your bounden duty here in Washington to see that this is accomplished. Your school system must be founded on equal rights, so that no one shall be excluded on account of color. Xx. The President, and a strong party with him, were anxious to secure the annexation of Dominica, and with this object in view, on the 5th of December, 1870, in his annual message, he had said: I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that the United States have entirely abandoned the project of accepting as a part of its territory, the Island of San Domingo, a free port will be negotiated for by European powers, in the Bay of Samana; and ringing some changes upon the Monroe doctrine, he manifested a strong wish to have something effectual done on the subject. On the 12th of the month, Mr. Morton offered Resolutions authorizing t
o aid emancipation, the 38th Congress decreed that every slave mustered into the military service shall be free forever; thus enabling every slave fit for military service to secure personal freedom. By the provisions of the fugitive-slave acts, slave hunters could hunt their absconding bondmen, require the people to aid in their recapture, and have them returned at the expense of the nation. The 38th Congress erased all fugitive-slave acts from the statutes of the Republic. The law of 1807 legalized the coastwise slave-trade: the 38th Congress repealed that act, and made the trade illegal. The courts of the United States receive such testimony as is permitted in the States where the courts are holden. Several of the States exclude the testimony of Colored persons. The 38th Congress made it legal for Colored persons to testify in all the courts of the United States. Different views are entertained by public men relative to the reconstruction of the governments of the sec
nder Constitutions made by themselves, and approved by Congress; and once more their civil powers were administered by citizens of their own choice. The giant form of the Rebellion was fast moving into the dim past, and a new vista of progress and splendor was opening to the advancing Republic. Early in the year, the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution had been ratified by the necessary number of States, twentynine having voted for it. The announcement of the result was made on the 30th of March, by a message from the President, and a bill was at once introduced, and speedily passed, to secure freedom of suffrage to the whole Colored population of every State in the Union. It was vain any longer in Congress to oppose the enactment; outside of Congress all opposition was known to be unavailing. The final decision of a great Nation was clothed with a solemnity of sanction which transcended that of any divinity which ever hedged a king. The public joy in the capital was manif
October 24th (search for this): chapter 235
a and violence towards Hayti. Xxi. A convention of delegates representing the Negro population of the country had been held in St. Louis, on the 27th of September, which, among other Resolutions, passed one asking all the State Legislatures to enact a compulsory law compelling all children between seven and twelve years of age to attend school. Another Convention representing all the Negro population in the late slave-holding States, was held at Columbia, South Carolina, on the 24th of October. It was a manly and noble address which the delegates adopted to be sent out to the people of the United States, a portion of which was as follows:— While we have, as a body, contributed our labor in the past to enhance the wealth and promote the welfare of the community, we have as a class been deprived of one of the chief benefits to be derived from industry, namely, the acquisition of education and experience, the return that civilization makes for the labor of the individual.
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