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Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

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Orange, N. J. (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 54
iver Cromwell, that no man can be trusted who is afraid of a paper pellet; and I am too familiar with history not to know, that every movement for reform, in Church or State, every endeavor for Human Liberty or Human Rights, has been thus assailed. I do not forget with what facility and frequency hard words have been employed—how that grandest character of many generations, the precursor of our own Washington, without whose example our Republic might have failed—the great William, Prince of Orange, the founder of the Dutch Republic, the United States of Holland—I do not forget how he was publicly branded as a perjurer and a pest of society; and, not to dwell on general instances, how the enterprise for the abolition of the slave-trade was characterized on the floor of Parliament by one eminent speaker as mischievous, and by another as visionary and delusive; and how the exalted characters which it had enlisted were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarle
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 54
raid of a paper pellet; and I am too familiar with history not to know, that every movement for reform, in Church or State, every endeavor for Human Liberty or Human Rights, has been thus assailed. I do not forget with what facility and frequency hard words have been employed—how that grandest character of many generations, the precursor of our own Washington, without whose example our Republic might have failed—the great William, Prince of Orange, the founder of the Dutch Republic, the United States of Holland—I do not forget how he was publicly branded as a perjurer and a pest of society; and, not to dwell on general instances, how the enterprise for the abolition of the slave-trade was characterized on the floor of Parliament by one eminent speaker as mischievous, and by another as visionary and delusive; and how the exalted characters which it had enlisted were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarleton, so conspicuous as the commander of the Britis
Human Rights (search for this): chapter 54
prejudices of men; but they generally end in the imputation of fanaticism. In such a cause, I am willing to be called fanatic, or what you will; I care not for aspersions, nor shall I shrink before hard words, either here or elsewhere. I have learned from that great Englishman, Oliver Cromwell, that no man can be trusted who is afraid of a paper pellet; and I am too familiar with history not to know, that every movement for reform, in Church or State, every endeavor for Human Liberty or Human Rights, has been thus assailed. I do not forget with what facility and frequency hard words have been employed—how that grandest character of many generations, the precursor of our own Washington, without whose example our Republic might have failed—the great William, Prince of Orange, the founder of the Dutch Republic, the United States of Holland—I do not forget how he was publicly branded as a perjurer and a pest of society; and, not to dwell on general instances, how the enterprise for the <
among works properly called philanthropic— the title of highest honor on earth. I take goodness in this sense, says Lord Bacon in his Essays, the affecting of the weal of men, which is what the Grecians call Philanthropeia—of all virtues and dignities of the mind the greatest, being the character of the Deity; and without it, man is a busy, mischievous, wretched thing, no better than a kind of vermin. Lord Bacon was right, and, perhaps, unconsciously followed a higher authority; for, when Moses asked the Lord to show unto him His glory, the Lord said, I will make all my goodness to pass before thee. Ah! sir, Peace has trophies fairer and more perennial than any snatched from fields of blood, but among all these, the fairest and most perennial are the trophies of beneficence. Scholarship, literature, jurisprudence, art, may wear their well-deserved honors; but an Enterprise of goodness deserves, and will yet receive, a higher palm than these. In other aspects its dignity is app
r pellet; and I am too familiar with history not to know, that every movement for reform, in Church or State, every endeavor for Human Liberty or Human Rights, has been thus assailed. I do not forget with what facility and frequency hard words have been employed—how that grandest character of many generations, the precursor of our own Washington, without whose example our Republic might have failed—the great William, Prince of Orange, the founder of the Dutch Republic, the United States of Holland—I do not forget how he was publicly branded as a perjurer and a pest of society; and, not to dwell on general instances, how the enterprise for the abolition of the slave-trade was characterized on the floor of Parliament by one eminent speaker as mischievous, and by another as visionary and delusive; and how the exalted characters which it had enlisted were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarleton, so conspicuous as the commander of the British horse in the
William Wilberforce (search for this): chapter 54
were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarleton, so conspicuous as the commander of the British horse in the southern campaigns of our Revolution, but more conspicuous in politics at home,—as a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts and fanatics; and also were again arraigned by no less person than a prince of the blood, the Duke of Clarence, afterwards William IV. of England, as either fanatics or hypocrites, in one of which classes he openly placed William Wilberforce. But impartial history, with immortal pen, has redressed these impassioned judgments; and the same impartial history will yet rejudge the impassioned judgments of this hour. 2. Hard words have been followed by personal disparagement, and the sneer is often launched that our Enterprise lacks the authority of names eminent in Church and State. If this be so, the more is the pity on their account; for our cause is needed to them more than they are needed to our cause. But alas! it
Oliver Cromwell (search for this): chapter 54
ity twofold, so, also, are the aspersions twofold;—first in the form of hard words, and secondly, by personal disparagement of those who are engaged in it. 1. The hard words are manifold as the passions and prejudices of men; but they generally end in the imputation of fanaticism. In such a cause, I am willing to be called fanatic, or what you will; I care not for aspersions, nor shall I shrink before hard words, either here or elsewhere. I have learned from that great Englishman, Oliver Cromwell, that no man can be trusted who is afraid of a paper pellet; and I am too familiar with history not to know, that every movement for reform, in Church or State, every endeavor for Human Liberty or Human Rights, has been thus assailed. I do not forget with what facility and frequency hard words have been employed—how that grandest character of many generations, the precursor of our own Washington, without whose example our Republic might have failed—the great William, Prince of Orange, <
range, the founder of the Dutch Republic, the United States of Holland—I do not forget how he was publicly branded as a perjurer and a pest of society; and, not to dwell on general instances, how the enterprise for the abolition of the slave-trade was characterized on the floor of Parliament by one eminent speaker as mischievous, and by another as visionary and delusive; and how the exalted characters which it had enlisted were arraigned by still another eminent speaker—none other than that Tarleton, so conspicuous as the commander of the British horse in the southern campaigns of our Revolution, but more conspicuous in politics at home,—as a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts and fanatics; and also were again arraigned by no less person than a prince of the blood, the Duke of Clarence, afterwards William IV. of England, as either fanatics or hypocrites, in one of which classes he openly placed William Wilberforce. But impartial history, with immortal pen, has redressed these <