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Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
r State Society is to hold a quarterly meeting at Worcester on the 27th inst. I sincerely hope you will be ablt. 23, 1837. Ms. With regard to our meeting at Worcester on Wednesday Sept. 27, 1837. next, I cannot urge t you will contrive, by hook or by crook, to be at Worcester; for the meeting cannot now avoid a discussion upodepending upon the meeting of our State Society at Worcester! Whatever it does, will tell mightily for good orciety in 1835 (ante, p. 42). He was not present at Worcester, nor was Gerrit Smith. The Rev. Joshua Leavitt, eeasoning marked out in your letter, to be given at Worcester, is very good and conclusive. I have not time or room to suggest any points. As I shall not go to Worcester myself, perhaps I may find time to send you a few st in New England, which was largely represented at Worcester. Primarily it was a tribute to his personal charan Gulliver's unprofitable gallimaufry delivered at Worcester, accompanying it with notes in which his enemies c
Denmark (Denmark) (search for this): chapter 3
k or by crook, to be at Worcester; for the meeting cannot now avoid a discussion upon the Appeal, and its decision will be looked for with great anxiety all over the land. The condemnation ought to be explicit—it ought to be strong—it ought to be decisive; especially in view of the criminal and extraordinary course pursued by the Executive Committee and Emancipator at New York. Be assured, we have too much sectarianism at headquarters. There appears to be something rotten in the state of Denmark. I am troubled exceedingly in spirit at what I am constrained to consider the blind, temporizing policy which the Board at New York seem determined to pursue. Only look at it!— Five clergymen, professing to be conspicuous abolitionists, make a public appeal, in which they bring severe and vital charges, not merely against the Liberator, but abolitionists and their course. Another appeal, backing this up, but still more grave and general in its charges, is issued at Andover, signed by thi<
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
nt measure passed both houses almost without dissent (Lib. 7.65-67). A similar law was enacted in New Jersey shortly afterward (Lib. 7.94), but was rejected in Pennsylvania (Lib. 7.11, 47). After the middle of June, Mr. Garrison, for the better health of his family, removed again to Brooklyn, leaving his friend Oliver Johnson n formal resolutions of approbation. Naturally, the Quaker element was only attached to him more closely by his peace utterances, and the support sent up from Pennsylvania was consequently of the strongest. Goodell, in his Friend of Man, expressly asserted the right of Lib. 7.146. Garrison and the Grimkes to their opinions alonot. So, the year before, Cincinnati, tumbling Birney's press into the Ohio, was truly a Southern city; Ante, p. 77. so, the year after, Philadelphia, burning Pennsylvania Hall to the ground. In fact, the least Southern and most surprising of all the mobs of that epoch was precisely the Boston mob against the editor of the Liber
Middletown (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
view Mr. Garrison took to himself the attack Lib. 7.133. really levelled at the temporary editor of the Liberator, whose conduct of the paper in his absence he now explicitly endorsed. The selection of another medium than the Liberator for the publication of the Appeal, he regarded as an impeachment far more offensive than the Appeal itself. As for that document, it would be welcomed by the Tracys, by Leonard Bacon, Asa Cummings, and Wilbur Fisk, President of Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn., a conspicuous clerical apologist for slavery, an aggressive Colonizationist, and one of the most abusive and malignant opponents of George Thompson (Lib. 5: 45, 66, 77; 7.95). and by the religious (Congregational) press generally, for it was their thunder. It consisted of the commonest and most flippant objections to the cause. So far as related to its defence of the two slandered pro-slavery clergymen, neither had complained nor could complain, and the defence of them was laughable
Lynn (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
Liberator, but aiming to write regularly for the paper. Since the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society he had attended four others, to each of which a word must be given. One was the quarterly meeting of the same Society at Lynn, March 28, memorable for the maiden speech, in the anti-slavery cause, of Wendell Phillips, Son of John Phillips, the first mayor of Boston; a graduate of Harvard College in the class of 1831. He had studied law, as has been already noticed (aorn at Seabrook, N. H., in 1789. His parents, Joseph and Lois Philbrick, were Quakers; the father, a farmer, being a preacher in that denomination. His schooling was finished at the academy in Sandwich, Mass., and he began his business career in Lynn, after marrying in 1816 Eliza, only daughter of Edward and Abigail Southwick, of Danvers. His sympathy with Mary Newhall's New Light movement led to the sectarian disownment of himself and wife. As already noted (ante, 1.145), he was one of the
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 3
An anti-slavery society has been formed in the United States every day for the last two years. There are 300 ]. the beginning of the woman's rights agitation in America. The equality of the sexes in Christian duty had, nouncing all allegiance to the government of the United States, and asserting the title of Jesus Christ to the sh to form a conception of the government of the United States (using a personified representation), I picture usual sense of the expression, a citizen of the United States, i.e., a voter, politician, etc., is at once a ser in the Bible I know that the territory of the United States belongs to God, and is promised, together with tJesus Christ for the Presidency, not only of the United States, but of the world. Is it not high time for abolrs of the American anti-slavery societies in the United States. Is this wise? For myself, whenever I have fou, official and personal, of the President of the United States shall be applied to sustain and perpetuate the i
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
hern clergyman's The Rev. Elipha White, a native of Massachusetts (Lib. 7.147). For the Spectator's handling of this clerical man-thief in its issue of July 26, 1837—just one week before it printed the Appeal—see Lib. 8.9. recent speech in the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church: My presbytery will never, no never, give up their right to hold slaves to this Assembly, nor to any other assembly than the General Assembly of the first-born in heaven. Compare his action at the Charleston (S. C.) Union Presbytery in the spring of 1838 (Lib. 8: 74). At far greater length, Amos A. Phelps, the new General Agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, June 14, 1837, Mr. Garrison writes from Boston to G. W. Benson: We have been very fortunate in securing the services of bro. Phelps as our General Agent. He is expected in Boston on Saturday [June 17], to commence his labors in good earnest (Ms.—Lib. 7.95; Right and Wrong in Boston, 1837, p. 25). Mr. Phelps's orthodoxy was rega<
Broadway (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ministers were attacked in the pulpit or dragged from it—the Rev. John Rankin was knocked Lib. 7.39. down on leaving a church in Dayton, Ohio; elsewhere in the same State a private lecture by an abolitionist in his Lib. 7.34. own home was forcibly prevented by riotous invasion; and Marius R. Robinson (one of the Lane Seminary Ante, 1.454. seceders) was, two days after a similar lecture, dragged from his host's house at night, tarred and feathered, and Lib. 7.111. ridden out of town. On Broadway, in New York, one saw in shop windows bowie-knives for sale, marked Death to Abolition. From time to time, through the summer and Lib. 7.99. fall, from the extreme border of Northwestern civilization and settlement came news of popular disturbances at Alton directed against Lovejoy and his press, especially after he had published a call for the formation of a State Anti-Slavery Society. His life was, even to observers at Lib. 7.128, 135. a distance, clearly in great peril. Still, his
Shelby (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ught this incidental and inadvertent, but was now well satisfied that, with the cause of abolition, he [Mr. Garrison] is determined to carry forward and propagate and enforce his peculiar theology . . . Slavery is not merely to be abolished, but nearly everything else. With such associates he could not act, any more than with infidels, like Fanny Wright A remarkable woman, born in Scotland Sept. 6, 1795; died (Mme. Darusmont) in Cincinnati Dec. 14, 1852. Her attempted community in Shelby Co., Tenn., in 1825, was a notable early anti-slavery enterprise. She was an eloquent public lecturer, and as such often mobbed for her political and religious doctrines (Lib. 8.173), a socialistic co-worker with Robert Owen, and a co-editor with Robert Dale Owen of the N. Y. Free Inquirer (see Noyes's American Socialisms, chap. 7; Life of Charles Follen, p. 471; and biographies by John Windt and Amos Gilbert). and Abner Kneeland, An orthodox clergyman of Massachusetts, who became a rational
Norfolk (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
of Congressmen, and against which the duty of a general remonstrance belonged especially to the clergy and to religious bodies. These, too, received the Society's endorsement, as did resolutions offered by Lib. 7.90. George Bourne in censure of prominent ecclesiastical palliations or bold defences of slaveholding during the past year. Such, for example, was the popish action of 4th Ann. Report Am. A. S. Soc.; Lib. 7.89. the Congregational General Association of Connecticut (at Norfolk, Litchfield County) in June, 1836, under the lead of Leonard Bacon, in opposition to the practice of itinerant agents enlightening the members of churches without the advice and consent of the pastors and regular ecclesiastical bodies. Mr. Garrison's part at the Ladies' Anti-Slavery Lib. 7.79, 90, 98; Right and Wrong, 1837, p. 32. Convention held at the same time with the American anniversary, and presided over by Mary Parker, was necessarily that of a spectator. But, among the seventy-one dele
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