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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.). Search the whole document.

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Robert Yates (search for this): chapter 1.9
uished from what was voted, we are dependent upon Madison's elaborate Notes, taken down at the time and corrected and supplemented by the journal; some Minutes of Yates, a New York delegate; a Report by Luther Martin to the Maryland assembly The foregoing are included in Elliott's Debates and Farrand's Records of the Federal Con letters are probably to be ascribed to James Winthrop of Massachusetts; by George Clinton of New York, who published seven letters under the name of Cato; by Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney; and in seven letters by Luther Martin. All the foregoing are reprinted in P. L. Ford, Essays on the Constitution. The pamphle They had been preceded, and to a considerable extent called out, by a series of attacks upon the new Constitution contributed by Governor George Clinton and Robert Yates to the New York Journal, over the pen-names of Cato and Brutus respectively. The authorship of a few of the essays has been an interesting problem of historic
James Winthrop (search for this): chapter 1.9
friends nor foes. On the side of the Constitution were James Sullivan of Massachusetts, with his eleven letters of Cassius; Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, with thirteen letters of A Landholder; Roger Sherman of the same state, who contributed five letters of A Countryman and two of A Citizen of New Haven; and John Dickinson, in his Letters of Fabius. The opposing views of the Anti-federalists were vigorously set forth by Agrippa, whose eighteen letters are probably to be ascribed to James Winthrop of Massachusetts; by George Clinton of New York, who published seven letters under the name of Cato; by Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney; and in seven letters by Luther Martin. All the foregoing are reprinted in P. L. Ford, Essays on the Constitution. The pamphlet literature was equally important. Noah Webster, best known to later generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constituti
James Wilson (search for this): chapter 1.9
in company with John Adams, had chivalrously defended the British soldiers indicted for participation in the Boston Massacre, in 1770. A competent critic Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, I, 272 note. has suggested that the larger part of the pamphlet, dealing with civil society and standing armies, had been carefully prepared some time before, advantage being taken of the Port Act to publish the work with an expanded title. Quincy's pamphlet was shortly followed by James Wilson's Considerations on the nature and the extent of the legislative authority of the British Parliament, an ingenious rejection of such authority in favour of allegiance to the king alone. The writer, a young lawyer of Philadelphia, was later to contribute powerfully to the acceptance of the Federal Constitution by Pennsylvania. Not all who entered the lists, however, agreed so unreservedly with the sentiments of Congress or of the patriot leaders. A series of papers in The Pennsylvani
Richard Wells (search for this): chapter 1.9
one. The writer, a young lawyer of Philadelphia, was later to contribute powerfully to the acceptance of the Federal Constitution by Pennsylvania. Not all who entered the lists, however, agreed so unreservedly with the sentiments of Congress or of the patriot leaders. A series of papers in The Pennsylvania packet, reprinted in a pamphlet with the title A Few Political Reflections Submitted to the Consideration of the British Colonies, by a Citizen of Philadelphia, and attributed to Richard Wells, urged compensation for the tea and the abandonment of violent protest, at the same time arguing for united rejection of the claim to taxation on the ground that the colonies were too old and too strong to be kept in leading-strings. An anonymous Letter from a Virginian, addressed to the Congress at Philadelphia, went further and frankly questioned the constitutional soundness and political wisdom of the arguments put forth by the Congress. No history of the American Revolution, or o
Pelatiah Webster (search for this): chapter 1.9
s under the name of Cato; by Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney; and in seven letters by Luther Martin. All the foregoing are reprinted in P. L. Ford, Essays on the Constitution. The pamphlet literature was equally important. Noah Webster, best known to later generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An American Citizen ; and David Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by
Noah Webster (search for this): chapter 1.9
on, in his Letters of Fabius. The opposing views of the Anti-federalists were vigorously set forth by Agrippa, whose eighteen letters are probably to be ascribed to James Winthrop of Massachusetts; by George Clinton of New York, who published seven letters under the name of Cato; by Robert Yates, in two letters of Sydney; and in seven letters by Luther Martin. All the foregoing are reprinted in P. L. Ford, Essays on the Constitution. The pamphlet literature was equally important. Noah Webster, best known to later generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An Americ
ucher was rector of parishes in Maryland and Virginia, finding time, however, to take an active part in colonial politics. The volume referred to, dedicated to Washington and prefaced by an extended introduction, consists of thirteen sermons preached to his American congregations, and forms as a whole the best presentation of theestraining bills, that relating to New England, that Burke made his great speech on conciliation. In June came the battle of Bunker Hill and the appointment of Washington as commander-in-chief. On 6 July Congress adopted a Declaration of the causes and necessity of taking up arms, Text in W. MacDonald, Select Charters, 374-38 the latter at the Court of St. James; and Franklin, prince of American diplomatists, was not, in the larger field of government, a constructive statesman. But Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, Patrick Henry, and other leaders were busy with their pens, discussing with one another, particularly in the interval from 1785 to 1787
Royall Tyler (search for this): chapter 1.9
fires of literary controversy. In May, 1774, the same month that saw the arrival of Gage and the British troops at Boston, Josiah Quincy published at that place his Observations on the Act of Parliament, commonly called the Boston Port-Bill; with thoughts on Civil Society and standing Armies. Quincy was a brilliant young lawyer, who, in company with John Adams, had chivalrously defended the British soldiers indicted for participation in the Boston Massacre, in 1770. A competent critic Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, I, 272 note. has suggested that the larger part of the pamphlet, dealing with civil society and standing armies, had been carefully prepared some time before, advantage being taken of the Port Act to publish the work with an expanded title. Quincy's pamphlet was shortly followed by James Wilson's Considerations on the nature and the extent of the legislative authority of the British Parliament, an ingenious rejection of such authority in favour
mbers of the convention. The elaborate publication of documents, debates, and reports which commonly attends a modern state constitutional convention was conspicuously lacking. While the convention was in session, there was published at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, in separate editions, the first volume of John Adams's Defence of the constitutions of government of the United States of America. This work, written and first published in London, was occasioned, the author states, by Turgot's sweeping attack upon the American theory of government, contained in a letter to Dr. Richard Price, in 1778, and published by Price in his Observations on the importance of the American Revolution, and the means of making it a benefit to the world (1785). Two additional volumes appeared in 1788. Works, IV, v. The prominence of the author gave the work, especially the first volume, some vogue; but the disorderly arrangement, the verbose and careless style, the many glaring inaccuracies a
John Trumbull (search for this): chapter 1.9
ed and championed by an Anglican minister. For his boldness, however, his parishioners drove him into exile, in common with many another clergyman who held similar views. Mention should also be made here of the poems of Philip Freneau and John Trumbull, although the fuller discussion of their literary significance belongs elsewhere in this work. Book I, Chap. IX. The first of Freneau's poems of the Revolution, On the Conqueror of America shut up in Boston and General Gage's Soliloquy, were published in the summer of 1775, while the siege of Boston was in progress. Trumbull, whose muse had already responded to some of the earlier incidents of the war, published the first canto of McFingal in January, 1776. Grounded, as were the writings of both of these authors, in a clear, popular understanding of the points at issue, and foreshadowing, in Freneau's case, the ultimate attainment of independence, the satirical humour of the poems confirmed the faithful and strengthened the wa
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