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, while its cement was the blood of the negro,--while it, and it alone, made the crime of slaveholding possible in fifteen States. Mr. Seward is a power in the state. It is worth while to understand his course. It cannot be caprice. His position decides that of millions. The instinct which leads him to take it shows his guess (and he rarely errs) what the majority intend. I reconcile thus the utter difference and opposition of his campaign speeches, and his last one. I think he went West, sore at the loss of the nomination, but with too much good sense, perhaps magnanimity, to act over again Webster's sullen part when Taylor stole his rights. Still, Mr. Seward, though philosophic, though keen to analyze and unfold the theory of our politics, is not cunning in plans. He is only the hand and tongue; his brain lives in private life on the Hudson River side. Acting under that guidance, he thought Mr. Lincoln not likely to go beyond, even if he were able to keep, the whole Ch
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 18
nt. Orators floated into fame on one inspired phrase, irrepressible conflict. Jefferson died foreseeing that this was the rock on which we should split. Even Mr. Webster, speaking with bated breath, in the cold chill of 1850, still dared to be a statesman, and offered to meet the South on this question, suggesting a broad plan fmpaign speeches, and his last one. I think he went West, sore at the loss of the nomination, but with too much good sense, perhaps magnanimity, to act over again Webster's sullen part when Taylor stole his rights. Still, Mr. Seward, though philosophic, though keen to analyze and unfold the theory of our politics, is not cunningrightens the people that, in view of it, Mr. Seward, as a practical man, dares not now tell, as he says, what he really thinks and wishes, is the child of his and Webster's insincere idolatry of the Union. To serve party and personal ambition, they made a god of the Union; and to-day their invention returns to plague the inventors
George Washington (search for this): chapter 18
coln to undermine it while in the Union? Certainly, by turning every atom of patronage and pecuniary profit in the keeping of the Federal Government to the support of freedom. You know the contrary policy has been always acted upon ever since Washington, and been openly avowed ever since Fillmore. No man was to receive any office who was not sound on the slavery question. You remember the debate in the Senate, when that was distinctly avowed to be the policy of Mr. Fillmore. You remember Mrmmon race, the same common social life; we shall intermarry just the same; we shall have steamers running just as often and just as rapidly as now. But what cares Dr. Dewey for the opinion of Liverpool? Nothing What cares he for the opinion of Washington? Everything! Break the link, and New York springs up like the fountain relieved from a mountain load, and assumes her place among decent cities. I mean no special praise of the English courts, pulpit, or press by these comparisons; my only wi
Henry Vane (search for this): chapter 18
imself trembles!) while every honest man fears, and three fourths of Mr. Seward's followers hope, that the North, in this conflict of right and wrong, will, spite of Horace Greeley's warning, Love liberty less than profit, dethrone conscience, and set up commerce in its stead. You know it. A Union whose despotism is so cruel and searching that one half our lawyers and one half our merchants stifle conscience for bread,--in the name of Martin Luther and John Milton, of Algernon Sidney and Henry Vane, of John Jay and Samuel Adams, I declare such a Union a failure. It is for the chance of saving such a Union that Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams break in Washington all the promises of the canvass, and countenance measures which stifle the conscience and confuse the moral sense of the North. Say not that my criticism is harsh. I know their pretence. It is, we must conciliate, compromise, postpone, practise finesse, make promises or break them, do anything, to gain time and concentrate the
f classes for years after. The bar and the orthodox pulpit were our House of Lords. A Baptist clergyman was little better than a negro. The five points of Massachusetts decency were, to trace your lineage to the Mayflower, graduate at Harvard College, be a good lawyer or a member of an orthodox church,--either would answer [laughter],--pay your debts, and frighten your child to sleep by saying Thomas Jefferson. Our theological aristocracy went down before the stalwart blows of Baptist, Unitarian, and Freethinker,--before Channing and Abner Kneeland. Virginia slaveholders, making theoretical democracy their passion, conquered the Federal Government, and emancipated the working-classes of New England. Bitter was the cup to honest Federalism and the Essex Junto. Today, Massachusetts only holds to the lips of Carolina a beaker of the same beverage I know no man who has analyzed this passage in our history so well as Richard Hildreth. The last thirty years have been the flowering o
he magnetic telegraph, and the Charleston Mercury is the other. New York statesmanship! Why, even in the lips of Seward, it is sealed, or half sealed, by considerations which take their rise in the canebrakes and cotton-fields of fifteen States. Break up this Union, and the ideas of South Carolina will have no more influence on Seward than those of Palmerston. The wishes of New Orleans would have no more influence on Chief Justice Bigelow than the wishes of London. The threat of Davis, Toombs, and Keitt will have no more influence on the Tribune than the thunders of the London Times or the hopes of the Chartists. Our Bancrofts will no longer write history with one eye fixed on Democratic success, nor our Websters invent laws of God to please Mr. Senator Douglas. We shall have as close connection, as much commerce; we shall still have a common language, a common faith, and common race, the same common social life; we shall intermarry just the same; we shall have steamers running
Harper's Ferry (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
eenth century. That is what we mean by Disunion! That is my coercion! Northern pulpits cannonading the Southern conscience; Northern competition emptying its pockets; educated slaves awaking its fears; civilization and Christianity beckoning the South into their sisterhood. Soon every breeze that sweeps over Carolina will bring to our ears the music of repentance, and even she will carve on her Palmetto, We hold this truth to be self-evident, -that all men are created equal. All hail, then, Disunion! Beautiful on the mountains are the feet of Him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace, that saith unto Zion, Thy God reigneth. The sods of Bunker Hill shall be greener, now that their great purpose is accomplished. Sleep in peace, martyr of Harper's Ferry!--your life was not given in vain. Rejoice: spirits of Fayette and Kosciusko!--the only stain upon your swords is passing away. Soon, throughout all America. there shall be neither power nor wish to hold a slave
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 18
, to maintain what she thinks her right. I would New England could count one State as fearless among her six! overnment, and emancipated the working-classes of New England. Bitter was the cup to honest Federalism and ther hearts; till you do, the slaveholder feels that New England is his natural foe. There can therefore be no rea-father tried to do and failed At such hours, New England Senators and Representatives have, from the very ittle or no direct weight in Congress. But while New England is the brain of the Union, and therefore foreshadth. Who shall say that the same blood, with only New England for its anchorage, could not drag the wealth of t, and not because they are compelled? As long as New England is made of granite, and the nerves of her sons ofalf its power? You may take a small town here in New England, with a busy, active population of 2,500, and thrllots, will blot out the entire influence of that New England town in the Federal Government. That is your Rep
Hudson River (United States) (search for this): chapter 18
jority intend. I reconcile thus the utter difference and opposition of his campaign speeches, and his last one. I think he went West, sore at the loss of the nomination, but with too much good sense, perhaps magnanimity, to act over again Webster's sullen part when Taylor stole his rights. Still, Mr. Seward, though philosophic, though keen to analyze and unfold the theory of our politics, is not cunning in plans. He is only the hand and tongue; his brain lives in private life on the Hudson River side. Acting under that guidance, he thought Mr. Lincoln not likely to go beyond, even if he were able to keep, the whole Chicago platform. Accordingly, he said: I will give free rein to my natural feelings and real convictions, till these Abolitionists of the Republican ranks shall cry, O what a mistake! We ought to have nominated Seward; another time we will not be balked. Hence the hot eloquence and fearless tone of those prairie speeches. He returns to Washington, finds Mr. Lin
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 18
l in office the promises made in the canvass. Their motto is: The Chicago platform, every inch of it; not a hair's-breadth of the Territorien not likely to go beyond, even if he were able to keep, the whole Chicago platform. Accordingly, he said: I will give free rein to my naturon to a policy which I originate. He offers to postpone the whole Chicago platform, in order to save the Union,--though last October, at ChiChicago, he told us postponement never settles anything, whether it is a lawsuit or a national question; better be beat and try again than postppe understand clearly why we sever. They saw Mr. Seward paint, at Chicago, our utter demoralization, Church and State, government and peopleme, look at the picture of its effects which Mr. Seward painted at Chicago. Look at our history. Under it, 700,000 slaves have increased eech, this hour, throughout the North. Mr. Seward confessed, at Chicago, that neither free speech nor free suffrage existed in one half of
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