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Yorktown (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
f dollars richer, and sixty-three thousand lives more populous, if even Banks had been Commander-in-Chief instead of McClellan. [Applause.] I do not believe that Banks knows how to handle an army, as we all know he has no ideas, but I believe he would have pressed that army on and against something, and that is all it needed. I had a private letter from a captain in McClellan's army in the Peninsula, in which he said: We have had five chances to enter Richmond; we might have done it after Yorktown, after Williamsburg, and after Seven Pines, just as well as not; no troops in front of us, we ourselves in full condition for an advance. Instead of that, we sat down and dug. The most serious charge I have against the President, the only thing that makes a film upon his honesty,--for I believe him as honest as the measure of his intellect and circumstances of his life allow,--is this: that, while I do not believe that in his heart he trusts McClellan a whit more than I do, from fear of
Williamsburg (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
and sixty-three thousand lives more populous, if even Banks had been Commander-in-Chief instead of McClellan. [Applause.] I do not believe that Banks knows how to handle an army, as we all know he has no ideas, but I believe he would have pressed that army on and against something, and that is all it needed. I had a private letter from a captain in McClellan's army in the Peninsula, in which he said: We have had five chances to enter Richmond; we might have done it after Yorktown, after Williamsburg, and after Seven Pines, just as well as not; no troops in front of us, we ourselves in full condition for an advance. Instead of that, we sat down and dug. The most serious charge I have against the President, the only thing that makes a film upon his honesty,--for I believe him as honest as the measure of his intellect and circumstances of his life allow,--is this: that, while I do not believe that in his heart he trusts McClellan a whit more than I do, from fear of the Border States
Europe (search for this): chapter 22
of March, 1863, England could hardly be blamed if she did acknowledge tie South. A very fair argument could be urged, on principles of international law, that she ought to do it. The South will have gone far to prove her right to be acknowledged. She will have maintained herself two full years against such efforts as no nation ever made. Davis wants to tide over to that time, without rousing the North. He does not wish any greater successes than will just keep us where we are, and allow Europe to see the South strong, vigorous, and the North only her equal. One such move as that on Washington, and the South would kick the beam. He knows it. If any man has light enough on the future to pray God to do any particular thing, I advise him to pray for an attack on Washington and its capture, for nothing less than that seems likely, within a few months, to wake up these Northern States to the present emergency. But for these considerations, I see not why Jefferson Davis should not th
France (France) (search for this): chapter 22
ll wail one year or two, if we wait for him, before we get it. II the mean time what an expense of blood and treasure each day! It is a terrible expense that democracy pays for its mode of government. If we lived in England now, if we lived in France now, a hundred men, convinced of the exigency of the moment, would carry the nation here or there. It is the royal road, short, sharp, and stern, like the 2d of December, with Napoleon's cannon enfilading every street in Paris. Democracy, when expressed, that God gives him the thunderbolt of slavery with which to crush the rebellion; that there was never a rebellion arranged by Providence to be put down so easily, so completely, so beneficially as this; that, unlike the aristocracy of France and England, rooting itself underneath the whole surface of society, slavery almost makes good the prayer of the Roman tyrant, Would that the people had one neck, and I could cut it! --if Mr. Lincoln could only understand this, victory would be e
Lancaster (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 22
he greatest sufferings God ever inflicted on an age. My friend says he would say to the tyrants of the Old World, Come on! That is a fearful taunt. The collision of two such nations as the England of this side the Atlantic, and the England of the other, would shake the globe. No such war has been known since Christ. Half of all the old wars massed into one would not equal it. We should sweep the commerce of the mightiest commercial nation from the ocean. We should send starvation into Lancashire and Lyons, and she would make our coast a desolation, and send anguish into millions of homes. The ingenuity of one race divided into two nations, which has reached an almost superhuman acuteness, would be all poured into the channel of the bloodiest war; and behind it would be the Saxon determination, which, like that of the bull-dog, its type, will die in the death-grapple before it yields. Old national hate, fresh-edged and perpetuated,--untold wealth destroyed,--millions of lives lo
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 22
in some form or other, that this is a war, not against Jefferson Davis, but against the system; until the whole nation indorseither vigor or a purpose. It drifts with events. If Jefferson Davis is a sane man, if he is a sagacious man, and has the p him over into an Abolitionist. I do not believe that Jefferson Davis, while he is able to control his forces, will ever allwo full years against such efforts as no nation ever made. Davis wants to tide over to that time, without rousing the North.mergency. But for these considerations, I see not why Jefferson Davis should not throw all his troops upon Washington, first the South. You save not yet measured the terms which Jefferson Davis sill impose upon the North, when, if ever, it proposespacity of Abraham Lincoln, but I do believe in the pride of Davis, in the vanity of the South, in the desperate determination of conservatism sends him. Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky and Mr. Davis of Kentucky put their feet down and say, Do this, and the
Johnston (search for this): chapter 22
great bodies of prominent men. That has taken a year. The New York Chamber of Commerce, the Common Council, and the Defence Committee, have just led the way. Some of the Western Councils have followed, it is said. Let us hope that they may have decisive effect at Washington; but I do not believe they will. I do not believe there is in that Cabinet — Seward, Chase, Stanton, Wells, or the President of the country — enough to make a leader. If McClellan should capitulate in his swamp, if Johnston should take Washington, if Butler should be driven out of New Orleans, if those ten fabulous iron ships from England at Mobile could be turned into realities, and Palmerston acknowledge the Confederacy, I should have hope . for I do not believe these nineteen millions of people mean to be beaten; and if they do, I do not believe they can afford to be beaten. I think, when we begin to yield, the South will demand such terms as even the Boston Courier cannot get low enough to satisfy them.
John A. Andrew (search for this): chapter 22
he renders up an account of his stewardship to his country, you that live, mark me I will see him confess that this whole winter he never believed in McClellan's ability. That is the sore spot in the character of an otherwise honest officer, and that is where this fear of conservatism sends him. Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky and Mr. Davis of Kentucky put their feet down and say, Do this, and the Border States leave you. There is not a Republican at the North who will be allowed to say it. Governor Andrew lisped it once, in his letter to Secretary Stanton, and how few, except the Abolitionists, dared to stand by him, even in Massachusetts! There is no public opinion that would support Mr. Sumner, with a loyal Commonwealth behind him, in making such a speech, once in the winter, as Garrett Davis made every day, with a Commonwealth behind him which has to be held in the Union by the fear of Northern bayonets. It is because Conservatism is bold and Republicanism is coward [ Hear! ] that A
Banks (search for this): chapter 22
put at the head of the Union, and for fourteen months they have been unable to say yes or no. But that is the fault of the nation. We should have been five hundred millions of dollars richer, and sixty-three thousand lives more populous, if even Banks had been Commander-in-Chief instead of McClellan. [Applause.] I do not believe that Banks knows how to handle an army, as we all know he has no ideas, but I believe he would have pressed that army on and against something, and that is all it neeBanks knows how to handle an army, as we all know he has no ideas, but I believe he would have pressed that army on and against something, and that is all it needed. I had a private letter from a captain in McClellan's army in the Peninsula, in which he said: We have had five chances to enter Richmond; we might have done it after Yorktown, after Williamsburg, and after Seven Pines, just as well as not; no troops in front of us, we ourselves in full condition for an advance. Instead of that, we sat down and dug. The most serious charge I have against the President, the only thing that makes a film upon his honesty,--for I believe him as honest as t
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 22
to end the war and save slavery. I believe Mr. Lincoln is conducting this war, at present, with thl wars, -they can hardly be anything else. Mr. Lincoln is intentionally waging a political war. Heew Orleans. It was a political move. When Mr. Lincoln, by an equivocal declaration, nullifies Gente ideas, and armies are but the tools. If Mr. Lincoln believed in the North and in Liberty, he wo. And almost the same thing may be said of Mr. Lincoln,--that if he had been a traitor, he could n are the real enemies of the republic; and if Lincoln could be painted, as Vanity Fair once paintedion. Whose fault? Largely ours,--not wholly Lincoln's. He is as good as the average North, but nocapable of saying no, it would have been Abraham Lincoln. He has no stiffness in him. I said to nd Republicanism is coward [ Hear! ] that Abraham Lincoln has to stand where he does to-day. Thereople had one neck, and I could cut it! --if Mr. Lincoln could only understand this, victory would b[10 more...]
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