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Julius Caesar (search for this): chapter 24
ty, and the black looked out on the whole civilized world marshalled against him. America, full of slaves, of course was hostile. Only the Yankee sold him poor muskets at a very high price. [Laughter.] Mounting his horse, and riding to the eastern end of the island, Samana, he looked out on a sight such as no native had ever seen before. Sixty ships of the line, crowded by the best soldiers of Europe, rounded the point. They were soldiers who had never yet met an equal, whose tread, like Caesar's, had shaken Europe,--soldiers who had scaled the Pyramids, and planted the French banners on the walls of Rome. He looked a moment, counted the flotilla, let the reins fall on the neck of his horse, and, turning to Christophe, exclaimed: All France is come to Hayti; they can only come to make us slaves; and we are lost! He then recognized the only mistake of his life,--his confidence in Bonaparte, which had led him to disband his army. Returning to the hills, he issued the only procla
h could she do in sixty years? And Europe, too, would lend you money, but she will not lend Hayti a dollar. Hayti, from the ruins of her colonial dependence, is become a civilized state, the seventh nation in the catalogue of commerce with this country, inferior in morals and education to none of the West Indian isles. Foreign merchants trust her courts as willingly as they do our own. Thus far, she has foiled the ambition of Spain, the greed of England, and the malicious statesmanship of Calhoun. Toussaint made her what she is. In this work there was grouped around him a score of men, mostly of pure negro blood, who ably seconded his efforts. They were able in war and skilful in civil affairs, but not, like him, remarkable for that rare mingling of high qualities which alone makes true greatness, and insures a man leadership among those otherwise almost his equals. Toussaint was indisputably their chief. Courage, purpose, endurance,--these are the tests. He did plant a state s
. That was in 1802. In 1800 this negro made a proclamation; it runs thus: Sons of St. Domingo, come home. We never meant to take your houses or your lands. The negro only asked that liberty which God gave him. Your houses wait for you; your lands are ready; come and cultivate them ;--and from Madrid and Paris, from Baltimore and New Orleans, the emigrant planters crowded home to enjoy their estates, under the pledged word that was never broken of a victorious slave. [Cheers.] Again, Carlyle has said, The natural king is one who melts all wills into his own. At this moment he turned to his armies,--poor, ill-clad, and half-starved,--and said to them: Go back and work on these estates you have conquered; for an empire can be founded only on order and industry, and you can learn these virtues only there. And they went. The French Admiral, who witnessed the scene, said that in a week his army melted back into peasants. It was 1800. The world waited fifty years before, in 1
ity from our land,--may raise into peaceful liberty the four million committed to our care, and show under democratic institutions a statesmanship as far-sighted as that of England, as brave as the negro of Hayti! So much for the courage of the negro. Now look at his endurance. In 1805 he said to the white men, This island is ours; not a white foot shall touch it. Side by side with him stood the South American republics, planted by the best blood of the countrymen of Lope de Vega and Cervantes. They topple over so often that you could no more daguerrotype their crumbling fragments than you could the waves of the ocean. And yet, at their side, the negro has kept his island sacredly to himself. It is said that at first, with rare patriotism, the Haytien government ordered the destruction of all the sugar plantations remaining, and discouraged its culture, deeming that the temptation which lured the French back again to attempt their enslavement. Burn over New York to-night, fi
leaders,--like Mohammed, like Napoleon, like Cromwell, like John Brown [cheers],he could preach as him by. You remember Macaulay says, comparing Cromwell with Napoleon, that Cromwell showed the greatCromwell showed the greater military genius, if we consider that he never saw an army till he was forty; while Napoleon was e boy in the best military schools in Europe. Cromwell manufactured his own army; Napoleon at the agmode of measurement. Apply it to Toussaint. Cromwell never saw an army till he was forty; this man never saw a soldier till he was fifty. Cromwell manufactured his own army-out of what? Englishmenius by quality, not by quantity. Further,--Cromwell was only a soldier; his fame stops there. No the statute-book of Britain can be traced to Cromwell; not one step in the social life of England france murdered your father. I would call him Cromwell, but Cromwell was only a soldier, and the staCromwell was only a soldier, and the state he founded went down with him into his grave. I would call him Washington, but the great Virgini[1 more...]
re their rights with bastards. They took an old mulatto, worth a million, who had simply asked for his rights under that decree, and hung him. A white lawyer of seventy, who drafted the petition, they hung at his side. They took Oge, broke him on the wheel, ordered him to be drawn and quartered, and one quarter of his body to be hung up in each of the four principal cities of the island; and then they adjourned. You can conceive better than I can describe the mood in which Mirabeau and Danton received the news that their decree had been torn in pieces and trampled under foot by the petty legislature of an island colony, and their comrade drawn and quartered by the orders of its Governor. Robespierre rushed to the tribune and shouted, Perish the colonies rather than sacrifice one iota of our principles! The Convention reaffirmed their decree, and sent it out a second time to be executed. But it was not then as now, when steam has married the continents. It took months to com
rd; the Spaniard against both. It is a war of races and a war of nations. At such a moment Toussaint L'Ouverture appeared. He had been born a slave on a plantation in the north of the island,--an unmixed negro,--his father stolen from Africa. If anything, therefore, that I say of him to-night moves your admiration, remember, the black race claims it all,--we have no part nor lot in it. He was fifty years old at this time. An old negro had taught him to read. His favorite books were Epictetus, Raynal, Military Memoirs, Plutarch. In the woods, he learned some of the qualities of herbs, and was village doctor. On the estate, the highest place he ever reached was that of coachman. At fifty, he joined the army as physician. Before he went, he placed his master and mistress on shipboard, freighted the vessel with a cargo of sugar and coffee, and sent them to Baltimore, and never afterward did he forget to send them, year by year, ample means of support. And I might add, that, o
Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 24
her ; and on the 21st of August, 1791, fifteen thousand blacks, led by Francois and Biassou, supplied with arms from the arsenal of the government, appeared in the midst of the colony. It is believed that Toussaint, unwilling himself to head the movement, was still desirous that it should go forward, trusting, as proved the case, that it would result in benefit to his race. He is supposed to have advised Francois in his course,--saving himself for a more momentous hour. This is what Edward Everett calls the Insurrection of St. Domingo. It bore for its motto on one side of its banner, Long live the King ; and on the other, We claim the old laws. Singular mottoes for a rebellion! In fact, it was the posse comitatus; it was the only French army on the island; it was the only force that had a right to bear arms; and what it undertook, it achieved. It put Blanchelande in his seat; it put the island beneath his rule. When it was done, the blacks said to the Governor they had create
out to compare and weigh races; indeed, I am engaged tonight in what you will think the absurd effort to convince you that the negro race, instead of being that object of pity or contempt which we usually consider it, is entitled, judged by the facts of history, to a place close by the side of the Saxon. Now races love to be judged in two ways, --by the great men they produce, and by the average merit of the mass of the race. We Saxons are proud of Bacon, Shakespeare, Hampden, Washington, Franklin, the stars we have lent to the galaxy of history; and then we turn with equal pride to the average merit of Saxon blood, since it streamed from its German home. So, again, there are three tests by which races love to be tried. The first, the basis of all, is courage,--the element which says, here and to-day, This continent is mine, from the Lakes to the Gulf: let him beware who seeks to divide it! [Cheers.] And the second is the recognition that force is doubled by purpose; liberty regu
another, from the prompting of ambition, or dislike of this resemblance,--which was very close. If either imitated the other, it must have been the white, since the negro preceded him several years. They were very much alike, and they were very French,--French even in vanity, common to both. You remember Bonaparte's vainglorious words to his soldiers at the Pyramids: Forty centuries look down upon us. In the same mood, Toussaint said to the French captain who urged him to go to France in hiy thousand graves of the best soldiers France ever had, and ask them what they think of the negro's sword. And if that does not satisfy you, go to France, to the splendid mausoleum of the Counts of Rochambeau, and to the eight thousand graves of French. men who skulked home under the English flag, and ask them. And if that does not satisfy you, come home, and if it had been October, 1859, you might have come by way of quaking Virginia, and asked her what she thought of negro courage. You m
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