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rains with the facts,--then I know, sure as fate, though I may not live to see it, that they will certainly conquer this nation in twenty years. It is impossible that they should not. And that is your power, gentlemen. I rejoice at every effort working-men make to organize; I do not care on what basis they do it. Men sometimes say to me, Are you an Internationalist? I say, I do not know what an Internationalist is; but they tell me it is a system by which the working-men from London to Gibraltar, from Moscow to Paris, can clasp hands. Then I say God speed, God speed, to that or any similar movement. Now, let me tell you where the great weakness of an association of working-men is. It is that it cannot wait. It does not know where it is to get its food for next week. If it is kept idle for ten days, the funds of the society are exhausted. Capital can fold its arms, and wait six months; it can wait a year. It will be poorer, but it does not get to the bottom of the purse.
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
The labor question (1872). Delivered before the International Grand Lodge of the Knights of Saint Crispin, in April, 1872. Gentlemen, I feel honored by this welcome of your organization, and especially so when I consider that the marvellously rapid success of the political strength of the Labor movement, especially in New England, is due mainly to this organization. There never has been a party formed that in three years has attracted toward itself such profound attention throughout the United States. Some of you may be old enough to remember that when the Antislavery sentiment, nearly thirty years ago, endeavored to rally a political party, it took them some seven or nine years before they had an organization that could be considered national in any real sense. The political Labor movement in three years has reached a position of influence which it took that idea nine years to obtain. I trace that rapid progress in popular recognition to the existence of these Crispin
Lancaster (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 16
ne. Pierpont said of the little ballot,-- It executes the freeman's will, As lightning does the will of God. Now, I turn my sight that way because I am a Democrat, a Jeffersonian Democrat in the darkest hour. England can look down into Lancashire, rotting in ignorance; and if the people there rise up to claim their share of the enjoyments of life, she need not care, because she says, I have got the laws of state in the hands of the middle classes; and if that man down there can handle aork in a mill, it is all I want of him; and, if he ever raises his hand against the State, I will put my cavalrymen into the saddle, and ride him down. The man is nothing but a tool to do a certain work. But when America looks down into her Lancashire, into the mines of Pennsylvania, she says literally, Well, his hand holds the ballot, and I cannot afford to leave him down there in ignorance. I admire democracy because it takes bonds of wealth and power, that they shall raise the masses. I
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 16
bor question (1872). Delivered before the International Grand Lodge of the Knights of Saint Crispin, in April, 1872. Gentlemen, I feel honored by this welcome of your organization, and especially so when I consider that the marvellously rapid success of the political strength of the Labor movement, especially in New England, is due mainly to this organization. There never has been a party formed that in three years has attracted toward itself such profound attention throughout the United States. Some of you may be old enough to remember that when the Antislavery sentiment, nearly thirty years ago, endeavored to rally a political party, it took them some seven or nine years before they had an organization that could be considered national in any real sense. The political Labor movement in three years has reached a position of influence which it took that idea nine years to obtain. I trace that rapid progress in popular recognition to the existence of these Crispin lodges an
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
y if you will; rally for eight hours, for a little division of profits, for co-operation; rally for such a banking-power in the government as would give us money at three per cent. Only organize, and stand together. Claim something together, and at once; let the nation hear a united demand from the laboring voice, and then, when you have got that, go on after another; but get something. I say, let the debts of the country be paid, abolish the banks, and let the government lend every Illinois farmer (if he wants it), who is now borrowing money at ten per cent, money on the half-value of his land at three per cent. The same policy that gave a million acres to the Pacific Railroad, because it was a great national effort, will allow of our lending Chicago twenty millions of money, at three per cent, to rebuild it. From Boston to New Orleans, from Mobile to Rochester, from Baltimore to St. Louis, we have now but one purpose; and that is, having driven all other political question
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
of him; and, if he ever raises his hand against the State, I will put my cavalrymen into the saddle, and ride him down. The man is nothing but a tool to do a certain work. But when America looks down into her Lancashire, into the mines of Pennsylvania, she says literally, Well, his hand holds the ballot, and I cannot afford to leave him down there in ignorance. I admire democracy because it takes bonds of wealth and power, that they shall raise the masses. If they don't do it, there is nor the shadow of those upastrees. Unless there is a power in your movement, industrially and politically, the last knell of democratic liberty in this Union is struck; for as I said, there is no power in one State to resist such a giant as the Pennsylvania road. We have thirty-eight one-horse legislatures in this country; and we have got a man like Tom Scott, with three hundred and fifty million dollars in his hands; and, if he walks through the States, they have no power. Why, he need not mov
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
e nation hear a united demand from the laboring voice, and then, when you have got that, go on after another; but get something. I say, let the debts of the country be paid, abolish the banks, and let the government lend every Illinois farmer (if he wants it), who is now borrowing money at ten per cent, money on the half-value of his land at three per cent. The same policy that gave a million acres to the Pacific Railroad, because it was a great national effort, will allow of our lending Chicago twenty millions of money, at three per cent, to rebuild it. From Boston to New Orleans, from Mobile to Rochester, from Baltimore to St. Louis, we have now but one purpose; and that is, having driven all other political questions out of the arena, having abolished slavery, the only question left is labor,--the relations of capital and labor. The night before Charles Sumner left Boston for Washington the last time, he said to me, I have just one more thing to do for the negro,--to carry t
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
You will find forty millions of people, and I suppose they are in the highest state of civilization; and yet it is not too much to say, that, out of that forty millions, ten millions, at least, who get up in the morning and go to bed at night, spend all the day in the mere effort to get bread enough to live. They have not elasticity enough, mind or body, left to do anything in the way of intellectual or moral progress. I take a man, for instance, in one of the manufacturing valleys of Connecticut. If you get into the cars there at 6.30 o'clock in the morning, as I have done, you will find, getting in at every little station, a score or more of laboring men and women, with their dinner in a pail; and they get out at some factory that is already lighted up. Go down the same valley about 7.30 in the evening, and you will again see them going home. They must have got up about 5.30; they are at their work until nigh upon eight o'clock. There is a good, solid fourteen hours. Now, ther
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 16
k down into Lancashire, rotting in ignorance; and if the people there rise up to claim their share of the enjoyments of life, she need not care, because she says, I have got the laws of state in the hands of the middle classes; and if that man down there can handle a spade, or work in a mill, it is all I want of him; and, if he ever raises his hand against the State, I will put my cavalrymen into the saddle, and ride him down. The man is nothing but a tool to do a certain work. But when America looks down into her Lancashire, into the mines of Pennsylvania, she says literally, Well, his hand holds the ballot, and I cannot afford to leave him down there in ignorance. I admire democracy because it takes bonds of wealth and power, that they shall raise the masses. If they don't do it, there is no security. Therefore, on every great question I turn instantly to politics. It is the people's normal school; it is the way to make the brains of the nation approach the subject. Why, in
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 16
I say, let the debts of the country be paid, abolish the banks, and let the government lend every Illinois farmer (if he wants it), who is now borrowing money at ten per cent, money on the half-value of his land at three per cent. The same policy that gave a million acres to the Pacific Railroad, because it was a great national effort, will allow of our lending Chicago twenty millions of money, at three per cent, to rebuild it. From Boston to New Orleans, from Mobile to Rochester, from Baltimore to St. Louis, we have now but one purpose; and that is, having driven all other political questions out of the arena, having abolished slavery, the only question left is labor,--the relations of capital and labor. The night before Charles Sumner left Boston for Washington the last time, he said to me, I have just one more thing to do for the negro,--to carry the Civil Rights Bill; and after that is passed, I shall be at liberty to take up the question of labor. Now, one word in conclus
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